Murió Erminda Duarte, la última hermana que quedaba viva de Eva Perón. Los restos de la mujer, de 95 años, serán sepultados en el panteón que tiene la familia en el Cementerio de la Recoleta el miércoles por la tarde.
Erminda había participado días atrás del homenaje con motivo del 60 aniversario de la muerte de Eva, y había escrito el libro “Mi hermana Evita”.
|Federal Bureau of Investigation|
|Common name||Federal Bureau of Investigation|
|Seal of the Federal Bureau of Investigation|
COINTELPRO (an acronym for Counter Intelligence Program) was a series of covert, and often illegal, projects conducted by the United StatesFederal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) aimed at surveiling, infiltrating, discrediting, and disrupting domestic political organizations.
COINTELPRO tactics included discrediting targets through psychological warfare; smearing individuals and groups using forged documents and by planting false reports in the media; harassment; wrongful imprisonment; and illegal violence, including assassination. Covert operations under COINTELPRO took place between 1956 and 1971; however, the FBI has used covert operations against domestic political groups since its inception.The FBI’s stated motivation at the time was “protecting national security, preventing violence, and maintaining the existing social and political order.”
FBI records show that 85% of COINTELPRO resources targeted groups and individuals that the FBI deemed “subversive,” including communist andsocialist organizations; organizations and individuals associated with the civil rights movement, including Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. and others associated with the Southern Christian Leadership Conference, the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, and the Congress of Racial Equalityand other civil rights organizations; black nationalist groups; the American Indian Movement; a broad range of organizations labeled “New Left“, including Students for a Democratic Society and the Weathermen; almost all groups protesting the Vietnam War, as well as individual student demonstrators with no group affiliation; the National Lawyers Guild; organizations and individuals associated with the women’s rights movement; nationalist groups such as those seeking independence for Puerto Rico,United Ireland, and Cuban exile movements including Orlando Bosch‘s Cuban Power and the Cuban Nationalist Movement; and additional notable Americans, such as Albert Einstein (who was a member of several civil rights groups). The remaining 15% of COINTELPRO resources were expended to marginalize and subvert “white hate groups,” including the Ku Klux Klanand the National States’ Rights Party.
FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover issued directives governing COINTELPRO, ordering FBI agents to “expose, disrupt, misdirect, discredit, or otherwise neutralize” the activities of these movements and their leaders.
COINTELPRO began in 1956 and was designed to “increase factionalism, cause disruption and win defections” inside the Communist Party U.S.A.(CPUSA). However, the program was soon enlarged to include disruption of the Socialist Workers Party (1961), the Ku Klux Klan (1964), the Nation of Islam, the Black Panther Party (1967), and the entire New Left social/political movement, which included antiwar, community, and religious groups (1968). A later investigation by the Senate’s Church Committee (see below) stated that “COINTELPRO began in 1956, in part because of frustration with Supreme Court rulings limiting the Government’s power to proceed overtly against dissident groups…” Congress and several court cases laterconcluded that the COINTELPRO operations against communist and socialist groups exceeded statutory limits on FBI activity and violated constitutional guarantees of freedom of speech and association.
The program was successfully kept secret until 1971, when the Citizens’ Commission to Investigate the FBI burglarized an FBI field office in Media, Pennsylvania, took several dossiers, and exposed the program by passing this information to news agencies. Many news organizations initially refused to publish the information. Within the year, Director Hoover declared that the centralized COINTELPRO was over, and that all future counterintelligence operations would be handled on a case-by-case basis.
Further documents were revealed in the course of separate lawsuits filed against the FBI by NBC correspondent Carl Stern, the Socialist Workers Party, and a number of other groups. A major investigation was launched in 1976 by the Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities of the United States Senate, commonly referred to as the “Church Committee” for its chairman, Senator Frank Church of Idaho. However, millions of pages of documents remain unreleased, and many released documents have been partly, or entirely, redacted.
In the Final Report of the Select Committee, COINTELPRO was castigated in no uncertain terms:
- Many of the techniques used would be intolerable in a democratic society even if all of the targets had been involved in violent activity, but COINTELPRO went far beyond that…the Bureau conducted a sophisticated vigilante operation aimed squarely at preventing the exercise of First Amendment rights of speech and association, on the theory that preventing the growth of dangerous groups and the propagation of dangerous ideas would protect the national security and deter violence.
The Church Committee documented a history of use of the agency for purposes of political repression as far back as World War I, through the 1920s, when agents were charged with rounding up “anarchists and revolutionaries” for deportation, and then building from 1936 through 1976.
The intended effect of the FBI’s COINTELPRO program was to “expose, disrupt, misdirect, or otherwise neutralize” groups that the FBI believed were “subversive” by instructing FBI field operatives to:
- Create a negative public image for target groups (e.g. by surveiling activists, and then releasing negative personal information to the public)
- Break down internal organization (e.g. by having agents exacerbate racial tensions, or send anonymous letters to try to create conflicts)
- Create dissension between groups (e.g. by spreading rumors that other groups were stealing money)
- Restrict access to public resources (e.g. by pressuring non-profit organizations to cut off funding or material support)
- Restrict the ability to organize protests (e.g. agents sending letters promoting violence against police at protests)
- Restrict the ability of individuals to participate in group activities (e.g. by character assassinations, false arrests, surveillance)
Range of targets
In an interview with the BBC‘s Andrew Marr, MIT professor of linguistics and political activist Noam Chomsky spoke about the purpose and the targets of COINTELPRO saying, “COINTELPRO was a program of subversion carried out not by a couple of petty crooks but by the national political police, the FBI, under four administrations… by the time it got through, I won’t run through the whole story, it was aimed at the entire new left, at the women’s movement, at the whole black movement, it was extremely broad. Its actions went as far as political assassination.” 
According to the Church Committee:
- While the declared purposes of these programs were to protect the “national security” or prevent violence, Bureau witnesses admit that many of the targets were nonviolent and most had no connections with a foreign power. Indeed, nonviolent organizations and individuals were targeted because the Bureau believed they represented a “potential” for violence — and nonviolent citizens who were against the war in Vietnam were targeted because they gave “aid and comfort” to violent demonstrators by lending respectability to their cause.
- The imprecision of the targeting is demonstrated by the inability of the Bureau to define the subjects of the programs. The Black Nationalist program, according to its supervisor, included “a great number of organizations that you might not today characterize as black nationalist but which were in fact primarily black.” Thus, the nonviolent Southern Christian Leadership Conference was labeled as a Black Nationalist-“Hate Group.”
- Furthermore, the actual targets were chosen from a far broader group than the titles of the programs would imply. The CPUSA program targeted not only Communist Party members but also sponsors of the National Committee to Abolish the House Un-American Activities Committee and civil rights leaders allegedly under Communist influence or deemed to be not sufficiently “anti-Communist”. The Socialist Workers Party program included non-SWP sponsors of anti-war demonstrations which were cosponsored by the SWP or the Young Socialist Alliance, its youth group. The Black Nationalist program targeted a range of organizations from the Panthers to SNCC to the peaceful Southern Christian Leadership Conference, and included every Black Student Union and many other black student groups. New Left targets ranged from the SDS to the InterUniversity Committee for Debate on Foreign Policy, from Antioch College (“vanguard of the New Left”) to the New Mexico Free University and other “alternate” schools, and from underground newspapers to students’ protesting university censorship of a student publication by carrying signs with four-letter words on them.
Examples of surveillance, spanning all Presidents from FDR to Nixon, both legal and illegal, contained in the Church Committee report:
- President Roosevelt asked the FBI to put in its files the names of citizens sending telegrams to the White House opposing his “national defense” policy and supporting Col. Charles Lindbergh.
- President Truman received inside information on a former Roosevelt aide’s efforts to influence his appointments, labor union negotiating plans, and the publishing plans of journalists.
- President Eisenhower received reports on purely political and social contacts with foreign officials by Bernard Baruch, Mrs. Eleanor Roosevelt, and Supreme Court Justice William O. Douglas.
- The Kennedy administration had the FBI wiretap a congressional staff member, three executive officials, a lobbyist, and a Washington law firm. US Attorney General Robert F. Kennedy received the fruits of an FBI “tap” on Martin Luther King, Jr. and a “bug” on a Congressman, both of which yielded information of a political nature.
- President Johnson asked the FBI to conduct “name checks” of his critics and members of the staff of his 1964 opponent, Senator Barry Goldwater. He also requested purely political intelligence on his critics in the Senate, and received extensive intelligence reports on political activity at the 1964 Democratic Convention from FBI electronic surveillance.
- President Nixon authorized a program of wiretaps which produced for the White House purely political or personal information unrelated to national security, including information about a Supreme Court justice.
The COINTELPRO documents disclose numerous cases of the FBI’s intentions to stop the mass protest against the Vietnam War. Many techniques were used to accomplish the assignment. “These included promoting splits among antiwar forces, encouraging red-baiting of socialists, and pushing violent confrontations as an alternative to massive, peaceful demonstrations.” One 1966 Cointelpro operation attempted to redirect the Socialist Workers Party from their pledge of support for the antiwar movement.
The FBI claims that it no longer undertakes COINTELPRO or COINTELPRO-like operations. However, critics claim that agency programs in the spirit of COINTELPRO targeted groups such as the Committee in Solidarity with the People of El Salvador, the American Indian Movement, Earth First!, theWhite Separatist Movement, and the Anti-Globalization Movement.
According to attorney Brian Glick in his book War at Home, the FBI used four main methods during COINTELPRO:
- Infiltration: Agents and informers did not merely spy on political activists. Their main purpose was to discredit and disrupt. Their very presence served to undermine trust and scare off potential supporters. The FBI and police exploited this fear to smear genuine activists as agents.
- Psychological Warfare From the Outside: The FBI and police used myriad “dirty tricks” to undermine progressive movements. They planted false media stories and published bogus leaflets and other publications in the name of targeted groups. They forged correspondence, sent anonymous letters, and made anonymous telephone calls. They spread misinformation about meetings and events, set up pseudo movement groups run by government agents, and manipulated or strong-armed parents, employers, landlords, school officials and others to cause trouble for activists.
- Harassment Through the Legal System: The FBI and police abused the legal system to harass dissidents and make them appear to be criminals. Officers of the law gave perjured testimony and presented fabricated evidence as a pretext for false arrests and wrongful imprisonment. They discriminatorily enforced tax laws and other government regulations and used conspicuous surveillance, “investigative” interviews, and grand jury subpoenas in an effort to intimidate activists and silence their supporters.
- Illegal Force and Violence: The FBI conspired with local police departments to threaten dissidents; to conduct illegal break-ins in order to search dissident homes; and to commit vandalism, assaults, beatings and assassinations.The object was to frighten, or eliminate, dissidents and disrupt their movements.
The FBI specifically developed tactics intended to heighten tension and hostility between various factions in the black militancy movement, for example between the Black Panthers, the US Organization and the Blackstone Rangers. This resulted in numerous deaths, among which were the US Organization assassinations of San Diego Black Panther Party members John Huggins, Bunchy Carter and Sylvester Bell.
The FBI also conspired with the police departments of many U.S. cities (San Diego, Los Angeles, San Francisco, Oakland, Philadelphia, Chicago) to encourage repeated raids on Black Panther homes—often with little or no evidence of violations of federal, state, or local laws—which resulted directly in the police killing of many members of the Black Panther Party, most notably the assassination of Chicago Black Panther Party Chairman Fred Hampton on December 4, 1969.
In order to eliminate black militant leaders whom they considered dangerous, the FBI conspired with local police departments to target specific individuals, accuse them of crimes they did not commit, suppress exculpatory evidence and falsely incarcerate them. One Black Panther Party leader, Elmer “Geronimo” Pratt, was incarcerated for 27 years before a California Superior Court vacated his murder conviction, ultimately freeing him. Appearing before the court, an FBI agent testified that he believed Pratt had been framed because both the FBI and the Los Angeles Police Department knew he had been out of the area at the time the murder occurred. 
In 1969 the FBI special agent in San Francisco wrote Hoover that his investigation of the Black Panther Party (BPP) revealed that in his city, at least, the Panthers were primarily feeding breakfast to children. Hoover fired back a memo implying the career ambitions of the agent were directly related to his supplying evidence to support Hoover’s view that the BPP was “a violence-prone organization seeking to overthrow the Government by revolutionary means”.
Hoover was willing to use false claims to attack his political enemies. In one memo he wrote: “Purpose of counterintelligence action is to disrupt the BPP and it is immaterial whether facts exist to substantiate the charge.”
In one particularly controversial 1965 incident, civil rights worker Viola Liuzzo was murdered by Ku Klux Klansmen who gave chase and fired shots into her car after noticing that her passenger was a young black man; one of the Klansmen was acknowledged FBI informant Gary Thomas Rowe. Afterward COINTELPRO spread false rumors that Liuzzo was a member of the Communist Party and abandoned her children to have sexual relationships with African Americans involved in thecivil rights movement. FBI informant Rowe has also been implicated in some of the most violent crimes of the 1960s civil rights era, including attacks on the Freedom Riders and the 1963 Birmingham, Alabama 16th Street Baptist Church bombing. In another instance in San Diego the FBI financed, armed, and controlled an extreme right-wing group of former Minutemen, transforming it into a group called the Secret Army Organization which targeted groups, activists, and leaders involved in the Anti-War Movement for both intimidation and violent acts.
The final report of the Church Committee concluded:
- Too many people have been spied upon by too many Government agencies and too much information has been collected. The Government has often undertaken the secret surveillance of citizens on the basis of their political beliefs, even when those beliefs posed no threat of violence or illegal acts on behalf of a hostile foreign power. The Government, operating primarily through secret informants, but also using other intrusive techniques such as wiretaps, microphone “bugs”, surreptitious mail opening, and break-ins, has swept in vast amounts of information about the personal lives, views, and associations of American citizens. Investigations of groups deemed potentially dangerous — and even of groups suspected of associating with potentially dangerous organizations — have continued for decades, despite the fact that those groups did not engage in unlawful activity.
- Groups and individuals have been harassed and disrupted because of their political views and their lifestyles. Investigations have been based upon vague standards whose breadth made excessive collection inevitable. Unsavory and vicious tactics have been employed — including anonymous attempts to break up marriages, disrupt meetings, ostracize persons from their professions, and provoke target groups into rivalries that might result in deaths. Intelligence agencies have served the political and personal objectives of presidents and other high officials. While the agencies often committed excesses in response to pressure from high officials in the Executive branch and Congress, they also occasionally initiated improper activities and then concealed them from officials whom they had a duty to inform.
- Governmental officials — including those whose principal duty is to enforce the law –have violated or ignored the law over long periods of time and have advocated and defended their right to break the law.
- The Constitutional system of checks and balances has not adequately controlled intelligence activities. Until recently the Executive branch has neither delineated the scope of permissible activities nor established procedures for supervising intelligence agencies. Congress has failed to exercise sufficient oversight, seldom questioning the use to which its appropriations were being put. Most domestic intelligence issues have not reached the courts, and in those cases when they have reached the courts, the judiciary has been reluctant to grapple with them.
COINTELPRO tactics continue
While COINTELPRO was officially terminated in April 1971, continuing FBI actions indicate that post-COINTELPRO reforms did not succeed in ending COINTELPRO tactics. Documents released under the FOIA show that the FBI tracked the late Pulitzer Prize-winning journalist and author David Halberstam for more than two decades.
“Counterterrorism” guidelines implemented during the Reagan administration have been described as allowing a return to COINTELPRO tactics. Some radical groups accuse factional opponents of being FBI informants or assume the FBI is infiltrating the movement.
The FBI improperly opened investigations of American activist groups, even though they were planning nothing more than peaceful civil disobedience, according to a report by the inspector general (IG) of the U.S. Department of Justice. The review by the inspector general was launched in response to complaints by civil liberties groups and members of Congress. The FBI improperly monitored groups including the Thomas Merton Center, a Pittsburgh-based peace group, People for the Ethical Treatment of Animals (PETA), and Greenpeace USA, an environmental activism organization. Also, activists affiliated with Greenpeace were improperly put on aterrorist watch list, even though they were planning no violence or illegal acitivities. The IG report found the “troubling” FBI practices between 2001 and 2006. In some cases, the FBI conducted investigations of people affiliated with activist groups for “factually weak” reasons. Also, the FBI extended investigations of some of the groups “without adequate basis” and improperly kept information about activist groups in its files. The IG report also found that FBI Director Robert Mueller IIIprovided inaccurate congressional testimony about one of the investigations, but this inaccuracy may have been due to his relying on what FBI officials told him.
Several authors have accused the FBI of continuing to deploy COINTELPRO-like tactics against radical groups after the official COINTELPRO operations were ended. Several authors have suggested the American Indian Movement (AIM) has been a target of such operations.
A few authors go further and allege that the federal government intended to acquire uranium deposits on the Lakota tribe’s reservation land, and that this motivated a larger government conspiracy against AIM activists on the Pine Ridge reservation. Others believe COINTELPRO continues and similar actions are being taken against activist groups.
Caroline Woidat argued that with respect to Native Americans, COINTELPRO should be understood within a historical context in which “Native Americans have been viewed and have viewed the world themselves through the lens of conspiracy theory.”
- Agent provocateur
- H. Rap Brown, targeted by COINTELPRO
- COINTELPRO targets
- Citizens’ Commission to Investigate the FBI
- Cold war
- The COINTELPRO Papers
- Cuban Nationalist Movement
- William Mark Felt, also known as Deep Throat served as chief inspector of COINTELPRO field operations
- Howard Bruce Franklin, targeted by COINTELPRO
- David Halberstam, targeted by COINTELPRO
- Ernest Hemingway, targeted by COINTELPRO
- Hampton, Fred, targeted by COINTELPRO
- Viola Liuzzo, murdered by a shot from a car used by four Ku Klux Klansmen, one of whom was a COINTELPRO informant
- NSA call database
- NSA warrantless surveillance controversy
- Operation Mockingbird
- Orlando Bosch
- Police brutality
- Red squad – Police intelligence/anti-dissident units, later operated under COINTELPRO
- Security culture
- Morris Starsky, early target of COINTELPRO
- State Terrorism
- US Patriot Act
- ^ a b c d “Quick Facts”. Federal Bureau of Investigation. Retrieved 2009-11-20.
- ^ [http://www.icdc.com/~paulwolf/cointelpro/churchfinalreportIIca.htm
- ^ a b c d e f The FBI’S Covert Action Program to Destroy the Black Panther Party
- ^ a b c d FBI Secrets: An Agent’s Expose. M. Wesley Swearigan. Boston. South End Press. 1995. Special Agent Gregg York: “We expected about twenty Panthers to be in the apartment when the police raided the place. Only two of those black nigger fuckers were killed, Fred Hampton and Mark Clark.”
- ^ a b c d itsabouttimebpp.com
- ^ a b c Churchill, Ward, and Jim Vander Wall, (1990), The COINTELPRO Papers: Documents from the FBI’s Secret Wars Against Domestic Dissent, Boston: South End Press, pp. xii, 303.
- ^ COINTELPRO: The FBI’s Covert Action Programs Against American Citizens, Final Report of the Senate Committee to Study Governmental Operations with respect to Intelligence Acti…
- ^ Jeffreys-Jones, Rhodri. THE FBI, Yale University Press, 2008, p. 189
- ^ Ken Gewertz (2007-04-12). “Albert Einstein, Civil Rights activist”. Harvard University Gazette. Archived from the originalon 2007-05-29. Retrieved 2007-06-11.
- ^ Various Church Committee reports reproduced online at ICDC: Final Report, 2A; Final Report,2Cb; Final Report, 3A; Final Report, 3G. Various COINTELPRO documents reproduced online at ICDC: CPUSA; SWP; Black Nationalist; White Hate; New Left; Puerto Rico.
- ^ a b COINTELPRO Revisited – Spying & Disruption – IN BLACK AND WHITE: THE F.B.I. PAPERS
- ^ “A Huey P. Newton Story – Actions – COINTELPRO”. PBS. Archived from the originalon 2010-11-18. Retrieved 2008-06-23.
- ^ a b “Supplementary Detailed Staff Reports on Intelligence Activities and the Rights of Americans”. United States Senate. Retrieved 2010-12-01.
- ^ See, for example, Hobson v. Wilson, 737 F.2d 1 (1984); Rugiero v. U.S. Dept. of Justice, 257 F.3d 534, 546 (2001).
- ^ A Short History of FBI COINTELPRO. Retrieved July 13, 2007. ArchivedSeptember 28, 2007 at the Wayback Machine
- ^ Deflam, Mathieu (2008). Surveillance and governance: crime control and beyond. Emerald Publishing Group. pp. 182. ISBN 9780762314164.
- ^ Deflam, Mathieu (2008). Surveillance and governance: crime control and beyond. Emerald Publishing Group. pp. 184-185. ISBN 9780762314164.
- ^ Videoat YouTube
- ^ Intelligence Activities and the Rights of Americans, Final Report of the Senate Committee to Study Governmental Operations with respect to Intelligence Activities
- ^ Blackstock, Nelson. COINTELPRO: The FBI’s Secret War on Political Freedom, Pathfinder, New York. 1975. p. 111.
- ^ Gelbspan, Ross. (1991) Break-Ins, Death Threats, and the FBI: The Covert War Against the Central America Movement, Boston: South End Press.
- ^ a b Churchill, Ward; and James Vander Wall. Agents of Repression: The FBI’s Secret Wars against the Black Panther Party and the American Indian Movement, 1988, Boston, South End Press.
- ^ Pickett, Karen. “Earth First!(The RedWood Tree Activists on the West Coast) Takes the FBI to Court: Judi Bari and Darryl Cherney’s Case Heard after 12 Years,” Earth First Journal, no date.
- ^ The Railroading of Matt Hale by Edgar J. Steele
- ^ Brown, Elaine. A Taste of Power: A Black Woman’s Story. (New York: Doubleday, 1992, pp204-06
- ^ icdc.com
- ^ “Former Black Panther freed after 27 years in jail”. CNN. Archived from the originalon 2010-11-18. Retrieved April 30, 2010.
- ^ In re Pratt, 82 Cal
- ^ Alexander Cockburn; Jeffrey St. Clair (1998). Whiteout: The CIA, Drugs and the Press. Verso. p. 69. ISBN 978-1-85984-139-6.
- ^ FBI document, 19 July 1966, DeLoach to Sullivan re: “Black Bag” Jobs.
- ^ 
- ^ FBI document, 27 May 1969, Director FBI to SAC San Francisco. Available at the FBI reading room.
- ^ FBI document, 16 September 1970, Director FBI to SAC’s in Baltimore, Detroit, Los Angeles, New Haven, San Francisco, and Washington Field Office. Available at the FBI reading room.
- ^ a b Gary May, The Informant: The FBI, the Ku Klux Klan, and the Murder of Viola Luzzo, Yale University Press, 2005.
- ^ “Jonathan Yardley”. The Washington Post. Archived from the originalon 2010-11-18. Retrieved April 30, 2010.
- ^ Joanne Giannino. “Viola Liuzzo”. Dictionary of Unitarian & Universalist Biography. Archived from the originalon 2010-11-18. Retrieved 2008-09-29.
- ^ Kay Houston. “The Detroit housewife who moved a nation toward racial justice”. The Detroit News, Rearview Mirror. Archived from the originalon 1999-04-27.
- ^ Mary Stanton (2000). “From Selam to sorrow: The Life and Death of Viola Liuzzo”. University of Georgia Press.
- ^ planting media cash advance debt at plantingseedsmedia.com
- ^ Triumphs of Democracy, by Noam Chomsky (Excerpted from Language and Responsibility)
- ^ Watergate and the Secret Army Organization – msg#00404 – culture.discuss.cia-drugs
- ^ 1972
- ^ 
- ^ OpEdNews – Article: J. Edgar Hoover personally ordered FBI to initiate COINTELPRO dirty tricks against Black Panthers in ‘Omaha Two’ case
- ^ “Intelligence Activities and the Rights of Americans Book II, Final Report of the Select Committee to Study Governmmental Operations with respect to Intelligence Activities United States Senate (Church Committee)”. United States Senate. Retrieved May 11, 2006.
- ^ “Tapped Out Why Congress won’t get through to the NSA.”. Slate.com. Retrieved May 11, 2006.
- ^ David Cunningham. There’s Something Happening Here: The New Left, the Klan, and FBI. University of California Press, 2005: “However, strong suspicions lingered that the program’s tactics were sustained on a less formal basis—suspicions sometimes furthered by agents themselves, who periodically claimed that counterintelligence activities were continuing, though in a manner undocumented within Bureau files.”; Hobson v. Brennan, 646 F.Supp. 884 (D.D.C.,1986)
- ^ Bud Schultz, Ruth Schultz. The Price of Dissent: Testimonies to Political Repression in America. University of California Press, 2001: “Although the FBI officially discontinued COINTELPRO immediately after the Pennsylvania disclosures “for security reasons,” when pressed by the Senate committee, the bureau acknowledged two new instances of “Cointelpro-type” operations. The committee was left to discover a third, apparently illegal operation on its own.”
- ^ Athan G. Theoharis, et al. The FBI: A Comprehensive Reference Guide. Greenwood Publishing Group, 1999: “More recent controversies have focused on the adequacy of recent restrictions on the Bureau’s domestic intelligence operations. Disclosures of the 1970s that FBI agents continued to conduct break-ins, and of the 1980s that the FBI targeted CISPES, again brought forth accusations of FBI abuses of power — and raised questions of whether reforms of the 1970s had successfully exorcised the ghost of FBI Director Hoover.”
- ^ The Associated Press, “FBI tracked journalist for over 20 years”. Toronto Star. November 7, 2008. Retrieved November 23, 2008.
- ^ 
- ^ Bud Schultz, Ruth Schultz. The Price of Dissent: Testimonies to Political Repression in America. University of California Press, 2001: : “The problem persists after Hoover….”The record before this court,” Federal Magistrate Joan Lefkow stated in 1991, “shows that despite regulations, orders and consent decrees prohibiting such activities, the FBI had continued to collect information concerning only the exercise of free speech.”
- ^ Mike Mosedale, “Bury My Heart,” City Pages, Volume 21 – Issue 1002 – Cover Story – February 16, 2000
- ^ “FBI Probes of Groups Were Improper, Justice Department Says”. The San Jose Mercury News. September 20, 2010. also reported at democracynow.org
- ^ Weyler, Rex. Blood of the Land: The Government and Corporate War Against First Nations.
- ^ Matthiessen, Peter, In the Spirit of Crazy Horse, 1980, Viking.
- ^ a b Woidat, Caroline M. The Truth Is on the Reservation: American Indians and Conspiracy Culture, The Journal of American Culture 29 (4), 2006. Pages 454–467
- ^ McQuinn, Jason. “Conspiracy Theory vs Alternative Journalism”, Alternative Press Review, Vol. 2, No. 3, Winter 1996
- ^ Horowitz, David. “Johnnie’s Other O.J.”, FrontPageMagazine.com. September 1, 1997.
- ^ Woidat, Caroline M. “The Truth Is on the Reservation: American Indians and Conspiracy Culture”, The Journal of American Culture 29 (4), 2006. pp. 454–467.
- ^ Berlet, Chip. “The X-Files Movie: Facilitating Fanciful Fun, or Fueling Fear and Fascism? Conspiracy Theories for Fun, Not for False Prophets”, 1998, Political Research Associates
- ^ Berlet, Chip; and Matthew N. Lyons. 1998, “One key to litigating against government prosecution of dissidents: Understanding the underlying assumptions”, Parts 1 and 2, Police Misconduct and Civil Rights Law Report (West Group), 5 (13), (January–February): 145–153; and 5 (14), (March–April): 157–162.
- Blackstock, Nelson (1988). Cointelpro: The FBI’s Secret War on Political Freedom. Pathfinder Press. ISBN 978-0-87348-877-8.
- Carson, Clayborne; Gallen, David, editors (1991). Malcolm X: The FBI File. Carroll & Graf Publishers. ISBN 978-0-88184-758-1.
- Churchill, Ward; Vander Wall, Jim (2001). The COINTELPRO Papers: Documents from the FBI’s Secret Wars Against Dissent in the United States.South End Press. ISBN 978-0-89608-648-7.
- Cunningham, David (2004). There’s Something Happening Here: The New Left, The Klan, and FBI Counterintelligence. University of California Press.ISBN 978-0-520-23997-5.
- Davis, James Kirkpatrick (1997). Assault on the Left. Praeger Trade. ISBN 978-0-275-95455-0.
- Garrow, David (2006). The FBI and Martin Luther King, Jr. (Revised ed.). Yale University Press. ISBN 978-0-300-08731-4.
- Glick, Brian (1989). War at Home: Covert Action Against U.S. Activists and What We Can Do About It. South End Press. ISBN 978-0-89608-349-3.
- Halperin, Morton; Berman, Jerry; Borosage Robert; Marwick, Christine (1976). The Lawless State: The Crimes Of The U.S. Intelligence Agencies.ISBN 978-0-14-004386-0.
- Olsen, Jack (2000). Last Man Standing: The Tragedy and Triumph of Geronimo Pratt. Doubleday. ISBN 978-0-385-49367-3.
- Perkus, Cathy (1976). Cointelpro. Vintage.
- Theoharis, Athan, Spying on Americans: Political Surveillance from Hoover to the Huston Plan (Temple University Press, 1978).
- Drabble, John. “The FBI, COINTELPRO-WHITE HATE and the Decline of Ku Klux Klan Organizations in Mississippi, 1964–1971″, Journal of Mississippi History, 66:4, (Winter 2004).
- Drabble, John. “The FBI, COINTELPRO-WHITE HATE and the Decline Ku Klux Klan Organizations in Alabama, 1964–1971″, Alabama Review, 61:1, (January 2008): 3-47.
- Drabble, John. “To Preserve the Domestic Tranquility:” The FBI, COINTELPRO-WHITE HATE, and Political Discourse, 1964–1971″, Journal of American Studies, 38:3, (August 2004): 297-328.
- Drabble, John. “From White Supremacy to White Power: The FBI’s COINTELPRO-WHITE HATE Operation and the “Nazification” of the Ku Klux Klan in the 1970s,” American Studies, 48:3 (Fall 2007): 49-74.
- Drabble, John. “Fighting Black Power-New Left coalitions: Covert FBI media campaigns and American cultural discourse, 1967-1971,” European Journal of American Culture, 27:2, (2008): 65-91.
U.S. government reports
- U.S. Congress. House. Committee on Internal Security. Hearings on Domestic Intelligence Operations for Internal Security Purposes. 93rd Cong., 2d sess, 1974.
- U.S. Congress. House. Select Committee on Intelligence. Hearings on Domestic Intelligence Programs. 94th Cong., 1st sess, 1975.
- U.S. Congress. Senate. Committee on Government Operations. Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations. Hearings on Riots, Civil and Criminal Disorders. 90th Cong., 1st sess. – 91st Cong., 2d sess, 1967–1970.
- U.S. Congress. Senate. Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities. Hearings — The National Security Agency and Fourth Amendment Rights. Vol. 6. 94th Cong., 1st sess, 1975.
- U.S. Congress. Senate. Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities. Hearings — Federal Bureau of Investigation. Vol. 6. 94th Cong., 1st sess, 1975.
- U.S. Congress. Senate. Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities. Final Report — Book II, Intelligence Activities and the Rights of Americans. 94th Cong., 2d sess, 1976.
- U.S. Congress. Senate. Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities. Final Report — Book III, Supplementary Detailed Staff Reports on Intelligence Activities and the Rights of Americans. 94th Cong., 2d sess, 1976.
- “Me and My Shadow”: A History of the FBI’s Covert Operations and COINTELPRO – Part 1″. 34:21 minute Real Audio. Produced by Adi Gevins, Pacifica Radio. 1976. Rebroadcast by Democracy Now! Wednesday, June 5, 2002. Retrieved May 12, 2005.
- “‘Me and My Shadow': A History of the FBI’s Covert Operations and COINTELPRO – Part 2″. 13:43 minute Real Audio. Produced by Adi Gevins, Pacifica Radio. 1976. Rebroadcast by Democracy Now! Thursday, June 6, 2002. Retrieved May 12, 2005.
- COINTELPRO videos on African American History Channel
- COINTELPRO STILL LIVES by Sista Shiriki Unganisha
- COINTELPRO: The Untold American Story – presented to U.N. World Conference Against Racism 2001 by the U.S. Congressional Black Caucus
- Nation of Islam website’s section on COINTELPRO, includes an assortment of documents, links and references.
- The Judi Bari case, COINTELPRO in the 1990s. Retrieved April 19, 2005.
- COINTELPRO: the Sabotage of Legitimate Dissent, What Really Happened, June 5, 1998.
- Fake Black Panther Party coloring book distributed by the FBI
- COINTELPRO-WHITE HATE Operation Against the Ku Klux Klan
- WIKILEAKS: Corrupted Oracle or Cointelpro Asset of the Establishment?
- McKinney, Cynthia. Article regarding COINTELPROon CounterPunch
- Jakopovich, Dan. The COINTELPRO programme against the Socialist Workers’ Party
U.S. government reports
- Final Report of the Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities. United States Senate, 94th Congress, 2nd Session, April 26 (legislative day, April 14), 1976. [AKA "Church Committee Report"]. Archived on COINTELPRO sources website. Transcription and HTML by Paul Wolf. Retrieved April 19, 2005.
- Intelligence Activities and the Rights of Americans, Book II
- I. Introduction and Summary
- II. The Growth of Domestic Intelligence: 1936 to 1976
- III. Findings
- (A) Violating and Ignoring the Law
- (B) Overbreadth of Domestic Intelligence Activity
- (C) Excessive Use of Intrusive Techniques
- (D) Using Covert Action to Disrupt and Discredit Domestic Groups
- (E) Political Abuse of Intelligence Information
- (F) Inadequate Controls on Dissemination and Retention
- (G) Deficiencies in Control and Accountability
- IV. Conclusions and Recommendations
- Supplementary Detailed Staff Reports, Book III
- COINTELPRO: The FBI’s Covert Action Programs Against American Citizens
- Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., Case Study
- The FBI’s Covert Action Program to Destroy the Black Panther Party
- The Use of Informants in FBI Intelligence Investigations
- Warrantless FBI Electronic Surveillance
- Warrantless Surreptitious Entries: FBI “Black Bag” Break-ins And Microphone Installations
- The Development of FBI Domestic Intelligence Investigations
- Domestic CIA and FBI Mail Opening
- CIA Intelligence Collection About Americans: CHAOS Program And The Office of Security
- National Security Agency Surveillance Affecting Americans
- Improper Surveillance of Private Citizens By The Military
- The Internal Revenue Service: An Intelligence Resource and Collector
- National Security, Civil Liberties, And The Collection of Intelligence: A Report On The Huston Plan
A note delivered to the Pontiff by cardinal Castrillon a month ago, reports what archbishop of Palermo, cardinal Romeo, said in one of his conversations in China last November: “His interlocutor thought, with fear, that the Pope would be the victim of an attack”. Scola could be his successor. The spokesman of the Holy See, Lombardi: “So incredible we cannot comment on”.
The Pontiff was told about the content of the note by cardinal Castrillon in person in mid January, during a private hearing. The document opens with a premise in upper case letters: “Stricly confidential”. Although many books have been written about Vatican conspiracies and the suspect death of John Paul I, these circumstances are surely uncommon. No one ever before putted on paper a plot to kill the Pope. A scheme that can have his final showdown in November, due to the deep divisions in the Holy corridors that picture the Pope opposed to secretary of State Tarcisio Bertone the day before an alleged succession.
THE PLOT AND ITS MAIN CHARACTERS.
Archbishop of Milan Angelo Scola will be Pope Ratzinger intended successor, the document says.
A document that is written completely in German, Pope Benedict’s mother language. The note has a long object line in bold: “Archbishop of Palermo, cardinal Paolo Romeo’s trip to Beijing on November 2011. During his hearings in China, cardinal Romeo foreshadows the death of Pope Benedict XVI within 12 months. Cardinal Romeo was told of a serious death plot by a well informed source. He was so sure and resolute, his interlocutors in China thought of the existence of an attack scheme against the Holy Father.”
Right after this astonishing preliminary remarks, the document has a three paragraph structure, each one with a bold title. The first one is “Trip to Beijing”; the second one is “Secretary of State Tarcisio Bertone” and the third one is “Pope Benedict XVI succession.”
The first paragraph retraces the unusual trip to Beijing of archbishop of Palermo, Paolo Romeo, an influential character in the Catholic Church: 73 years old, nominated cardinal by the Pope during Nov. 20th 2010 Consistory, he will participate by all meanings to the Papal conclave.
Born in Acireale (Sicily) from a prosperous family, Romeo loves new technology so much that on his archdiocese’s website you can click on “Follow us on Twitter” because “the Lord could use it to reveal all the ten commandments”.
After a long career in the Philippines, Venezuela, Rwanda, Colombia and Canada, Romeo was named papal nuncio in Italy. Pope Benedict disavowed anyway his willing to promote a conference among all Italian bishops, right before he was supposed to be elected as president of Conferenza episcopale italiana (Italian episcopal conference).
Pope Ratzinger disavowed cardinal Castrillon de Hoyos’ letter too, in which he was praising a convicted French bishop that didn’t press charges against one of his priests, guilty of sexual abuse of children.
Older that Romeo, Castrillon is a diehard traditionalist and, when in charged of the Lefebvrian movement as president of the ‘Ecclesia Dei’ commission, he didn’t report bishop Williamson’s anti-semitism to the Pope.
In his eighties in 2010, Castrillon retired and will not participate to the next conclave. He felt humiliated, although, when he discovered Romeo was in China.
“On November 2011, cardinal Romeo landed in Beijing with a tourist visa but he never met any representative of the Roman Catholic Church in China. He met, however, with Italian business men, living or working in Beijing, and some Chinese interlocutors. When in Beijing, cardinal Romeo reckoned he was a special envoy of the Pope to pursue his hearings started by cardinal Dario Castrillon in March 2010. He also stated he was nominated directly by the Pope to carry on the relationships between China and the Vatican”.
THE THREE PARAGRAPHS.
The anonymous writer describers Romeo as a braggart. The archbishop of Palermo bears out to be an old friend of cardinal Castrillon, expert of undergound churches in the Philippines and even as a member of a secret council that manages the Roman Catholic Church under the Ratzinger pontificate. “Cardinal Romeo surprised his interlocutors with the statement that he- Romeo- the Holy Father- Pope Benedict XVI- and cardinal Scola are a troika. On important matters, then, the Holy Father consults with him- Romeo- and with Scola.”
Then, in the second paragraph, Romeo seems to criticize the secretary of State, Tarcisio Bertone. “Cardinal Romeo harshly criticized Pope Benedict XVI because he would take care only of the liturgy, neglectting ‘daily affairs’ entrusted from Pope Benedict to cardinal Tarcisio Bertone”.
Bertone and Ratzinger are described having continuous quarrels. “The relationship between Pope Benedict XVI and his secretary of State Tarcisio Bertone seems conflictual. In confidentiality, cardinal Romeo reckoned that Pope Benedict XVI hates Tarcisio Bertone so much he would replace him right away with another cardinal. Romeo added, although, that there is no other cardinal available to fit this position and that is why cardinal Tarcisio Bertone is still in charged of the secretariat.”
At this point, given that “also the relationship between the Secretary of State and cardinal Scola is troubled as well”, here comes the paragraph that deals with the Pope’s succession. And cardinal Scola is way ahead in the nomination, due to his links to Comunione and Liberazione. “The Holy Father is managing the succession and he picked cardinal Scola as a suitable candidate, because he appears close to his personality. Slowly though relentlessly he is preparing and training him up to be the next Pope. On Holy Father’s initiative – says Romeo – cardinal Scola was transferred from Venice to Milan to get ready for his Papacy. Cardinal Romero kept astonishing his interlocutors in China – reckons the document delivered from the Colombian cardinal to the Pope – with his ever increasing indiscretions”.
After picturing conflictual relationships inside the Vatican, Romeo now tosses the bomb. “Cardinal Romeo announced the Holy Father had only 12 months ahead to live. And he was so sure about himself, as he knew it with precision, that he prophesied Pope Benedict’s death within the next 12 months. Cardinal Romeo’s allegations were told by a well informed source. His statement of a death plot against the Pope made his Chinese interlocutors thought the Holy Father was about to be the victim of an attack”. But the note goes on: “Cardinal Romeo didn’t imagine that his statements during private hearings in China could be sent from third parties to the Vatican”.
SUCCESSION, DENIAL AND THE MESS WITH THE VATICAN.
The last paragraph is all about the succession. “Pope Benedict’s successor would be Italian. As cardinal Romeo said in China, after Pope Benedict’s death, cardinal Scola would be elected Pontiff. But Scola has important enemies inside the Vatican as well”.
Il Fatto called the spokesman of the Holy See, father Federico Lombardi, to ask the Vatican official position on the document. His response, yesterday night, was: “You can print anything you want but you’ll take the responsibility for that. It is so out of reality that I won’t even take it in consideration. It is so incredible I won’t even answer your question”.
The denial is questionable because the document raises many questions about the health and the security of the Pope, giving the picture of a troubled Catholic Church.
Besides the truthfulness of the document, the note must be taken to the attention of the public opinion and cannot be kept as a secret. Then again, the document must be explained to Christians worldwide. On Feb. 4th, Il Fatto published the letter in which papal nuncio in the U.S.Carlo Maria Viganò underlined corruption cases, theft and false billing inside the Vatican and pointed at the director of the Vatican museums, Paolo Nicolini, as responsible for those crimes.
Then again, Il Fatto published an exclusive document that shown how the Vatican never gave its bank information to the anti-recycling authorities before April 2011. And now this note that unequivocally talks about the plot of death against the Pope. That is why we published the note: first of all because officials have to verify the truthfulness of the document and, second, because the Holy Roman Church has to explain the reason why hypothesis of murder circulate among cardinals and bishops.
La esposa de un empresario dueño de una de las plantas gráficas más importante del país, Alejandro Paul Vandenbroele, denunció que este abogado belga es socio del vicepresidente.
Buenos Aires (NA) — La esposa de un empresario dueño de una de las plantas gráficas más importante del país, Alejandro Paul Vandenbroele, denunció que este abogado belga es socio de Amado Boudou y testaferro de supuestos negocios del vicepresidente.
“Es una realidad, él mismo me lo ha dicho, tengo muchísimas pruebas de los negocios que hizo y que esta haciendo. Mi esposo es testaferro de Boudou, él trabaja directamente para el Gobierno.
Iba a poner una consultora para que el Gobierno le pasara las cosas ahí”, dijo la mujer, llamada Laura Muñoz, en el programa de Jorge Lanata por radio Mitre.
“Cuando empiezo a contar lo que sabía de los negocios encubiertos recibo amenazas, me han robado, vivo una situación de acoso permanente. Me dijo que si hablaba me iba a denunciar por loca y meter en el manicomio o presa”, agregó la mujer, que contó que Vandenbroele conoce a Boudou de Mar del Plata, su ciudad natal, como también a José María Núñez Carmona, otro presunto socio del vice.
“Necesitaban a un abogado de confianza para que les llevara las cosas sucias”, agregó Muñoz.
Previamente una investigación de Clarín indicó que Vandenbroele -que figura como monotributista en la AFIP- es el director de la empresa The Old Fund, una sociedad anónima que se creó en febrero de 2008 con un capital de 30.000 pesos. Dos años después adquirió Ciccone Calcográfica, ahora llamada Compañía de Valores Sudamericana y obtuvo un contrato con el Estado para imprimir billetes por 50 millones de pesos.
“Él es un abogado que trabajaba bien, pero no es un hombre con una inmensa fortuna para nada. El primer trabajo que hizo con Boudou me contó todos los detalles, la cantidad de dinero que iba a recibir, también me dijo que tenía miedo de quedar enganchado por este trabajo, que en realidad no era un trabajo, sino algo mafioso”, señaló la mujer.
La mujer, que denuncia que Vandenbroele no paga la cuota alimentaria de la hija de cuatro años que tienen en común, dijo que fue “amenazada de muerte muchísimas veces” por su ex, aunque advirtió que está “dispuesta a seguir hablando y a dar todos los datos que se necesiten”.
En septiembre pasado, luego de que llegara a los diarios el traspaso de la mega impresora a The Old Fund SA, la diputada del GEN Margarita Stolbizer presentó un pedido de informes al Poder Ejecutivo para indagar cuál es el interés de Boudou en esta empresa con el potencial para imprimir billetes, pasaportes y cheques.
02.02.12 | The property, known as the alleged “Hitler House” is featured on a German website that sells properties in France, Germany, Netherlands, Brazil, Argentina, Bulgaria and Spain. The heirs of the former banker José Rafael Tross are the owners.
The room has 452 hectares Inalco 5km of coastline on the Nahuel Huapi. It was designed by architect Alejandro Bustillo and built in the 40’s.
For some, the mansion was home to Adolf Hitler and Eva Braun after his alleged escape from Germany. For others it is just a myth that serves to attract tourism.
Tross family years ago would have received an offer of nearly $ 30 million. But eventually the sale did not materialize.
Despite the intent to sell is still there. Among other places, is offered on the German portal http://www.liderkey.com by 21,945,000 euros.
As indicated in the classified, it is a “unique property of 452 acres with 5 miles of shoreline on Lake Nahuel Huapi, including 900 m of beaches arena.Con coihue wooden pier and a boat ramp (…) A lavish summer residence, designed by architect Alejandro Bustillo. The Italian manufacturer Longaretti Pedro (the same who built the Residence Messidor) was who built it, with a group of very special chilenos.Algo workers and hierarchical Ideal for real estate and tourism developments. “
Of course the ad does not mention that because the border zone, foreigners are not nationalized or naturalized, can not acquire property unless they have special permission from the Ministry of Interior’s Office.
The incredible story of the house
The Inalco lot was sold by the son of Italian immigrant Primo Capraro, Enrique García-Merou, a Buenos Aires lawyer connected to the high society of that time and linked to German-owned companies have worked with the flight of tens of Nazi agents to Argentina after the Second World War.
Merou Garcia bought the lot about 40 and hired the renowned architect Alejandro Bustillo-author of the Llao Llao hotel and civic center of Bariloche, among other works, to build the house.
The original plans for the farm and the facade of the main house, signed by the same Alejandro Bustillo, is dated March 1943 (maps published in the book “Bustillo in Patagonia” by Martha Levisman)
Different authors point Merou linking with Juan Peron and “sell” the property back to Jorge Antonio, alleged frontman of former president and representative of the Mercedes Benz in Argentina.
In the book “Bustillo in Patagonia” by Martha Levisman, outlines a curious detail: Merou would have imported copies of a typical dairy cow breed in the Swiss Alps was adapted to the area but then “mixed” with animals common.
For several years the complex served as a source of employment for many residents. So, former neighbors rule out the possibility that someone so well known cone Hitler had been there and not “leak” some information.
In the mid-50s the house was abandoned in the ’70s José Rafael Tross, former president of Banco Regional Exchange (BIR), bought the property. Tross and invested heavily to improve facilities.
In those years the banker also acquired Correntoso hotel, adjacent to Inalco. The counter of both properties would have been John Mahler, who actually turned out to be Reinhard Kopps, a former SS officer discovered in Bariloche in 94 American chain ABC News. Kopps died in September 2001.
Kopps was the one who told reporters Erich Priebke, accused of the slaughter of Ardeatine, by then a prominent member of society Bariloche.
Both had arrived in Bariloche after the war. Priebke, who was banished and tried for war crimes in Italy, directed at the Instituto Primo Capraro Bariloche, original owner of the land where the house was built.
Shortly after buying it sold the Hotel Correntoso Tross and was only Inalco property.
The banker had links with Eduardo Martinez de Hoz and Emilio Massera. In the ’80s there was the collapse of the BIR, one of the largest frauds in the history of the country, and Tross escaped. He was a fugitive in Mexico for decades.
After the scandal the complex was abandoned and looted. Staff who worked on the house says that in various inns and houses of La Angostura no furniture and even doors of the old property.
Hölters Foundation In 1993, the German School of Buenos Aires, leased the property to become a resort for trips to their students and other schools.
The house was abandoned and looted again.
Does the Berghof in Patagonia?
The doubts that feed the myth point to the internal layout of the main house, similar to Hitler’s Berghof in the Alps, and the construction of a small village self-sustaining parallel with own plant, crops and animals.
Charles Bryner, an alumnus of the college, who organized trips and student activities in Inalco, describes that in the top of the main house is a large hall, toward the lake there is a door that leads to two large rooms independent communicate by a shared bathroom. One of them has a balcony. Across the hall, two smaller rooms also have a shared bathroom.
Down the hall, on the other side of the house, two rooms with a very small bathroom and a staircase leading to the kitchen downstairs. Also on the first floor but no communication with the interior, lies a small room with bathroom.
On the ground floor there is a large lounge, a kitchen and three bedrooms with private bathrooms. In the main hall is seen a large fireplace and large windows overlooking the Nahuel Huapi and the Andes.
For an internal road, about 500 meters to the right of the main house leads to a small village where Bustillo built the “ferme” or farm, barn, house manager for the laborers, henhouse, a kennel and the center sprue, among other things. The buildings are about a kind of square pavers that was originally and is now covered by ashes.
On the coast there was a ramp and shed some authors that served to keep a seaplane. Bryner noted that the ramp was actually built for the ship “El Paisano”, a boat he bought the family Tross. There was also an important winch then disappeared.
2/02/12 | La propiedad, conocida como la supuesta “Casa de Hitler”, es ofrecida en un portal alemán que vende propiedades en Francia, Alemania, Países Bajos, Brasil, Argentina, Bulgaria y España. Los herederos del ex banquero José Rafael Trosso son los propietarios.
La estancia Inalco tiene 452 hectáreas y 5km de costa sobre el Nahuel Huapi. Fue diseñada por el arquitecto Alejandro Bustillo y construida en la década del 40.
Para algunos la mansión albergó a Adolf Hitler y Eva Braun luego de su supuesto escape de Alemania. Para otros, es sólo un mito que sirve para atraer al turismo.
Años atrás la familia Trosso habría recibido una oferta de casi 30 millones de dólares. Pero finalmente la venta no se concretó.
No obstante la intención de vender sigue estando. Entre otros lugares, se ofrece en el portal alemán http://www.liderkey.com por 21.945.000 de euros.
Según indica el clasificado, se trata de un “inigualable inmueble de 452 hectáreas con 5 Km de costa sobre el Lago Nahuel Huapi, incluyendo 900 m de playas de arena.Con muelle de madera de coihue y una rampa para lanchas (…)Es una fastuosa residencia veraniega, diseñada por el arquitecto Alejandro Bustillo. El constructor italiano Pedro Longaretti (el mismo que construyo la Residencia El Messidor) fue quien la construyó, con un grupo de trabajadores chilenos.Algo muy especial y jerárquico Ideal para desarrollos inmobiliarios y turísticos”.
Claro que el aviso no menciona que por ser zona de frontera, los extranjeros que no estén nacionalizados o naturalizados, no pueden adquirir propiedades al menos que cuenten con un permiso especial del Ministerio del Interior de la Nación.
La increíble historia de la casona
El lote de Inalco fue vendido por el hijo de Primo Capraro –inmigrante italiano- a Enrique García Merou, un abogado porteño conectado a la alta sociedad de entonces y vinculado a empresas de capitales alemanes que habrían colaborado con la huida de decenas de agentes nazis hacia la Argentina luego de la Segunda Guerra Mundial.
García Merou compró el lote alrededor del 40 y contrató al reconocido arquitecto Alejandro Bustillo –autor del hotel Llao Llao y el Centro Cívico de Bariloche, entre otras obras- para que construyera la casa.
Los planos originales de la granja y la fachada de la casa principal, firmados por el mismo Alejandro Bustillo, tienen fecha de marzo de 1943 (planos publicados en el libro “Bustillo en la Patagonia”, de Martha Levisman)
Distintos autores señalan la vinculación de Merou con Juan Domingo Perón y la “venta” posterior de la propiedad a Jorge Antonio, supuesto testaferro del ex presidente y representante de la empresa Mercedes Benz en la Argentina.
En el libro “Bustillo en la Patagonia”, de Martha Levisman, se reseña un detalle curioso: Merou habría importado ejemplares de una raza de vaca lechera típica de los Alpes Suizos que se adaptó a la zona pero que luego se “mestizó” con animales comunes.
Durante varios años el complejo sirvió como fuente de trabajo para numerosos pobladores. Por eso, antiguos vecinos descartan la posibilidad de que alguien tan conocido cono Hitler hubiera estado ahí y que no se “filtrara” alguna información.
A mediados del ´50 la casa quedó abandonada y en los ´70 José Rafael Trosso, ex presidente del Banco de Intercambio Regional (BIR), compró la propiedad. Trosso invirtió mucho dinero y mejoró las instalaciones.
Por esos años el banquero también adquirió el hotel Correntoso, aledaño a Inalco. El contador de ambas propiedades habría sido Juan Mahler, quien en realidad resultó ser Reinhard Kopps, ex oficial de la SS descubierto en Bariloche en el 94 por la cadena de noticias norteamericana ABC. Kopps murió en septiembre de 2001.
Kopps fue quien señaló a la prensa a Erich Priebke, acusado de la masacre de las Fosas Ardeatinas, por ese entonces destacado miembro de la sociedad barilochense.
Ambos habían llegado en Bariloche en la posguerra. Priebke, quien fue desterrado y juzgado por sus crímenes de guerra en Italia, dirigía en Bariloche el Instituto Primo Capraro, propietario original de la tierra donde se construyó la casona.
Al poco tiempo de comprarlo Trosso vendió el Hotel Correntoso y se quedó sólo con la propiedad de Inalco.
El banquero tenía vinculaciones con Martinez de Hoz y Eduardo Emilio Massera. En los ‘80 se produjo la quiebra del BIR –uno de los fraudes más importantes de la historia del país- y Trosso escapó. Estuvo prófugo en México durante décadas.
Tras el escándalo el complejo quedó abandonado y fue saqueado. Personal que trabajó en la casa asegura que en distintas hosterías y casas de La Angostura hay muebles y hasta puertas de la antigua propiedad.
En 1993 la Fundación Hölters, del colegio Alemán de Buenos Aires, alquiló la propiedad para convertirlo en un complejo destinado a los viajes de estudios de sus alumnos y de otros colegios.
La casa fue abandonada y nuevamente saqueada.
¿El Berghof de la Patagonia?
Las dudas que alimentan el mito señalan la disposición interna de la casa principal –similar al Berghof de Hitler en los Alpes- y la construcción de una pequeña villa paralela autosustentable, con usina propia, cultivos y animales.
Carlos Bryner, un ex alumno del colegio, quien organizaba los viajes y las actividades de los alumnos en Inalco, describe que en la parte superior de la casa principal hay un pasillo grande, hacia el lago hay una puerta que da a dos habitaciones muy amplias independientes que se comunican por un baño en común. Una de ellas tiene un balcón. Del otro lado del pasillo, otras dos habitaciones más pequeñas también con un baño en común.
Al final del pasillo, en la otra punta de la casa, dos habitaciones muy chicas con un baño y una escalera que comunica a la cocina de la planta baja. También en el primer piso pero sin comunicación con el interior, se ubica una habitación pequeña con baño.
En la planta baja hay un gran salón, una cocina y tres habitaciones con baño privado. En el salón principal se advierte una gran chimenea y amplios ventanales con vista al Nahuel Huapi y la cordillera.
Por un camino interno, a unos 500 metros a la derecha de la casa principal se llega a una pequeña villa donde Bustillo construyó la “ferme” o granja, con establo, casa del encargado, para los peones, gallinero, perrera y el centro un bebedero, entre otras cosas. Las construcciones se encuentran en torno a una especie de plazoleta que originalmente era de adoquines y ahora está cubierto por cenizas.
En la costa hubo una rampa y galpón que para algunos autores sirvió para guardar un hidroavión. Bryner señala que en realidad la rampa fue construida para el barco “El Paisano”, una embarcación que compró la familia Trosso. También había allí un malacate importante que luego desapareció.
“La auténtica Odessa” es una muy minuciosa investigación que revela un secreto de medio siglo: cómo Perón armó una vasta red de agentes para rescatar cientos de criminales de guerra.
Por Sergio Kiernan
Goñi y la tapa de su detallada investigación sobre los nazis.
Una de las cosas que llaman la atención de La auténtica Odessa es su extremo rigor: cada afirmación, por minúscula que sea, tiene una nota al pie citando un documento. No es apenas que su autor, el periodista Uki Goñi, tenga un standard de historiador. También sabe que tocar el tema de la llegada de los nazis a la Argentina instantáneamente irrita a muchos peronistas y a muchos otros que creen que esa vergüenza debería ser enterrada y olvidada. Lo que Goñi revela en su libro es la enormidad de la red formada para traer criminales de guerra al país. Esta organización no era clandestina: fue fundada en la Casa Rosada en una reunión de Perón con nazis alemanes, franceses y belgas, fue financiada generosamente, tuvo todo el apoyo del servicio diplomático y la dirección de Migraciones.
“Uno nace en Argentina bajo una especie de fascismo mágico totalmente oculto y negado,” explica Goñi. “Siempre supimos de la leyenda de la llegada de los nazis con ayuda de Perón y del establishment, pero era algo de ficciones como Los Niños del Brasil. En 1996, haciendo una nota, me di cuenta de qué poca información había acá sobre el tema. Era como el caso Yabrán, o los atentados a la AMIA y la embajada. Me encontré lo mismo: versiones sobre la complicidad del estado argentino de hace medio siglo con el terrorismo de esa época, que era el nazi.” Los siguientes seis años, Goñi los pasó desenterrando documentos en cinco países.
–¿Se encontró con lo que esperaba o fue peor?
–Me encontré con mucho más de lo que esperaba. Aunque hice más de 200 entrevistas, el libro no está basado en ellas sino en la documentación, porque el tema es todavía muy irritativo. Investigué los archivos en Bélgica del colaboracionista Pierre Daye, que vivió en Argentina y era un hombre educado, un escritor y diarista compulsivo que fundó la organización para el rescate de sus camaradas en una reunión de criminales de guerra en la sala de gabinete con Perón. Daye dejó detalladas descripciones de las reuniones con Perón, escribiendo cosas como que se miraban entre ellos en la mesa, se reconocían como criminales de guerra nazi y se miraban sorprendidos de que “el presidente más importante de Sudamérica nos recibiera en su palacio presidencial.” Otros archivos importantes fueron los suizos, donde se guardan los detalladas minutas del jefe de policía de los años cuarenta, Heinrich Rothmund, que hace un pacto con los agentes argentinos para mandar nazis refugiados a Argentina. También hubo mucho información que logré desclasificar informes norteamericanos sobre la vía española de escape. Pero la gran fuente fue el archivo de la Dirección Nacional de Migraciones aquí en Buenos Aires.
–¿Y lo dejaron investigar?
–No querían, hicieron lo imposible para alejarme pero temían un escándalo. Allí descubrí que cada inmigrante tiene un legajo y en cada libro de llegadas quedaba anotado el número de legajo. Así encontré las llegadas y los números de Mengele, Eichmann, Priebke, y pedí los legajos. No estaban, habían desaparecido. Los habían limpiado. Se armó un gran revuelo, y un día un funcionario me dice, “¿qué quiere que haga? ¿que le admitamos que nos ordenaron quemarlos en 1996? Nunca lo admitiremos.” Aún así, hubo información valiosísima. Por ejemplo, que los expedientes de inmigración de Mengele y Priebke tienen números consecutivos, lo que muestra que fueron abiertos por una misma persona, al mismo tiempo. Esto ocurre muy frecuentemente, con varios criminales de guerra. También aparece claramente que el año de mayor actividad es 1948, cuando el capitán de las SS Carlos Fuldner está en Suiza trayendo nazis. Por ejemplo, ese año se abre el expediente de Eichmann, que llega en 1950.
–O sea que la leyenda negra se quedó corta. No fue que llegaron sino que los trajeron.
–Por eso el libro se llama la auténtica Odessa, porque acá se trata de una organización que nace de las reuniones que Perón, el propio Presidente de la Nación, tuvo en la sala de gabinete de la Casa Rosada con loscriminales de guerra. Los papeles muestran que Perón financió esta empresa, que envió a Fuldner a tener reuniones para organizar todo esto al más alto nivel en Suiza, con un pasaporte oficial que decía “enviado especial del Presidente de Argentina”. Lo fantástico es que esto estuvo oculto por 50 años. A mí no me interesa el tema nazis, lo que yo quería demostrar es que en este país vivimos sobre un iceberg gigantesco que todos desconocemos, que pretendemos no ver. En mi libro anterior, “Perón y los alemanes”, documento la historia del nacionalista argentino Juan Carlos Goyeneche que es enviado durante la guerra como enviado de Perón para juntar apoyo a un golpe contra el gobierno de Castillo. Goyeneche se entrevistó con Himmler, con Ribbentrop, tal vez con Hitler, con Mussolini, pidiendo financiamiento para el golpe. Mussolini acepta y manda una carta a Castillo en estos términos que llega a Buenos Aires el mismo día del golpe de 1943. Siempre se dijo que el golpe del GOU había sido financiado por el Eje y cuando se ven estos documentos… Pero los mismos militares que derrocaron a Perón en 1955 nombran a Goyeneche secretario de información pública.
–En este aspecto, hay continuidad.
–Absoluta. Uno de los primeros criminales de guerra que llegan al país es Jacques de Mahieu, un colaboracionista francés condenado a muerte que se hace íntimo de Perón y hasta escribe algunos de los textos doctrinarios del peronismo. Hay fotos de De Mahieu en 1989 haciendo campaña presidencial para Menem. Eso es fascismo mágico, como que Brinzoni tenga un abogado que es apoderado de los nazis argentinos. En cualquier país del mundo le costaría el puesto a un comandante en jefe del Ejército, aquí no. Lo terrible en Argentina no son los malos, que hacen perfectamente bien su labor. El problema somos los buenos, que aceptamos cosas tremendas y las venimos aceptando hace décadas. Cuando empecé estas investigaciones pensé que si las exponía al ojo público, si mostraba lo que pasaba en realidad, algo puede cambiar. Ya no pienso eso, no pasa nada. Con Brinzoni no pasó nada, hasta la DAIA acepta recibirlo. No existen los “nunca más.” Trabajo como historiador, porque si estamos informados podremos tener mejores herramientas para manejar los problemas que se repetirán.
–¿Por qué hizo todo esto Perón?
–Perón dio varias entrevistas en los sesenta y setenta diciendo que Nuremberg era una desgracia, una infamia, que no se podía someter a juicio a un ejército derrotado, y que él se propuso rescatar a los nazis de la justicia aliada. Lo decía públicamente. Perón hizo, en realidad, varias cosas a la vez. Obviamente, le estaba dando un gran servicio a los nazis que trajo a Argentina. Se estaba haciendo un favor a sí mismo porque pensaba que esa gente podía servirle como agentes anticomunistas. Tercero, le estaba haciendo un favor a los Aliados, que apenas empezó la guerra fría infiltró a los colaboracionistas como agentes anticomunistas en el bloque oriental. Para 1948 estas operaciones no funcionan, pero no pueden entregarlos a la Justicia porque ya trabajaron para ellos. Perón les hace el servicio de sacarlos de Europa. Y finalmente, le hace un servicio a la Iglesia. Uno de los descubrimientos más terribles del libro son los documentos en la embajada argentina que muestran que el cardenal Caggiano viajó al Vaticano en 1946 y ofreció en nombre del gobierno argentino al país como refugio de los criminales de guerra franceses escondidos en Roma. En ese archivo hay muchas recomendaciones de Caggiano y del Vaticano para que se permita la entrada de franceses.
Entrevista con Uki Goñi, autor del libro “La auténtica ODESSA- La fuga nazi a la Argentina de Perón”, sobre un tema hasta hoy tabú en la Argentina.
El traslado organizado de criminales nazis de Europa a la Argentina después de la II Guerra Mundial es uno de los capítulos más oscuros y tabuizados de la historia argentina. DW-WORLD conversó sobre el tema con Uki Goñi, periodista e historiador argentino, autor del libro “La auténtica ODESSA: la fuga nazi a la Argentina de Perón”, actualmente de gira de charlas por Alemania.
DW WORLD: ¿De qué forma facilitó el Gobierno argentino de la época la llegada de nazis a la Argentina?
Uki Goñi: La facilitó de varias maneras, pero sobre todo enviando agentes a Europa, que a su vez eran ex miembros de la SS o nazis que ya habían llegado a Argentina, para organizar el traslado de Alemania a la Argentina. El principal encargado fue un ex capitán de la SS llamado Carlos Fuldner. Fuldner era un alemán nacido en la Argentina, cuya familia había vuelto a Alemania en la década del 30. Carlos Fuldner se enrola en la SS y asciende hasta capitán. Después de la guerra escapa a Madrid y organiza la primera red de escape a la Argentina, se reúne con Perón, hay reuniones en la Casa Rosada y luego Fuldner viaja a Europa y allí comienza el escape en serio de sus camaradas de la SS.
¿Cuál fue el interés del Gobierno de Perón y de éste personalmente para llevar a los criminales de guerra a la Argentina?
Perón tenía varias razones para hacerlo. La primera fue una simpatía natural que el sentía por el nazismo, el fascismo y los oficiales del Ejército alemán. Perón dijo que consideraba que los juicios de Núremberg eran una infamia y que él había decidido rescatar todos los oficiales alemanes que pudiera. Perón también quería llevar a la Argentina a científicos y técnicos alemanes, por ejemplo diseñadores de aviones jets y científicos nucleares. Pero con ellos y además de ellos se fueron a la Argentina una gran cantidad de criminales de guerra tipo Adolf Eichmann y Josef Mengele, que también entraron al país disfrazados de técnicos.
¿A sabiendas de Perón?
Yo creo que sí, porque Perón dijo que los juicios de Núremberg eran una infamia y eso es una frase muy llamativa y deja muy claro cuál era el pensamiento de Perón sobre ello.
Uki Goñi: Perón tuvo simpatía por el nazismo.
¿Había también coincidencias ideológicas entre el nacionalsocialismo y el peronismo de la época, como una forma de socialismo nacional?
Perón había estado en la Italia de Mussolini como agregado militar y cuando volvió a la Argentina habló de Mussolini –y también de Hitler– con gran entusiasmo y admiración. Durante la guerra, Perón tuvo muchos contactos con el servicio secreto de la SS, que operaba en Sudamérica, o sea que no es algo que haya comenzado después de la guerra, sino que ya durante la guerra Perón tuvo contactos con oficiales de la SS.
La pista lleva hasta el Vaticano
¿Qué organizaciones y/o personas cooperaron en Europa con el Gobierno argentino de la época para sacar a los nazis de Europa?
Una de ellas fue el Gobierno de Suiza. La Argentina concluyó un acuerdo secreto con el Gobierno suizo por el cual se podía sacar a alemanes desde Alemania y hacerlos cruzar ilegalmente la frontera suiza. Se trataba de nazis que las Fuerzas Armadas estadounidenses y británicas no querían que salieran de Alemania. La organización argentina de Fuldner los sacaba de contrabando de Alemania, haciéndolos pasar a Suiza con el conocimiento y el apoyo del Gobierno suizo, para desde allí enviarlos a la Argentina. Además de la ayuda del Gobierno suizo también hubo un gran apoyo de sacerdotes del Vaticano, para otorgar pasaportes, papeles y cartas identicatorias.
¿Eran personas a título individual o también el Papa tenía conocimiento de ello?
Había varios involucrados. Uno de ellos era el cardinal Tisseront, un cardinal francés muy importante en el Vaticano; otro era el obispo Hudal, que era un obispo alemán; el padre Draganovic, un sacerdote croata, y varios otros. O sea que eran sacerdotes de varias nacionalidades que estaban allí en el Vaticano. En un momento, el Gobierno británico se queja ante el Papa de que hay muchos criminales que están siendo protegidos en el Vaticano. El Vaticano contesta que el Papa dio órdenes de que no permanezca ningún criminal en ninguna institución del Vaticano sin conocimiento del Papa. Lo que sabemos es que permanecieron varios, por lo que se deduce que el Papa tiene que haber tenido conocimiento. Además en archivos británicos encontré documentos en los que el Papa interviene personalmente a favor de criminales croatas, lo que habla de un vínculo entre el Papa Pío XII y el sacerdote Draganovic, que era uno de los que ayudaba a los criminales nazis a escapar. Hasta donde yo puedo aventurar una opinión, creo que sí, que el Papa personalmente sabía de ello.
¿Cuántos nazis llegaron, de acuerdo con sus investigaciones y estimaciones, a la Argentina?
La cantidad de nazis que llegaron depende de la definición que se haga de nazi. Si se realiza una definición muy estricta de nazi, en el sentido de personas acusadas de crímenes en cortes europeas, estamos hablando de alrededor de 250 criminales, entre alemanes, austriacos, franceses, belgas, croatas, etc. Ahora, tomando una definición más amplia, que abarque a todos los miembros de la SS y del Partido Nazi que llegaron a la Argentina, probablemente estemos hablando de miles de personas.
¿Cuáles eran las rutas de salida de Europa y cómo funcionaban?
Lo primero que había que hacer era sacar a los nazis de Alemania. Ello no era posible sin un permiso de salida de las fuerzas estadounidenses o británicas. Lo que se hacía entonces era contrabandearlos a Suiza, con el conocimiento del Gobierno suizo. En Suiza los subían a un avión de KLM y los enviaban a la Argentina o sino los enviaban a Italia, partiendo después desde el puerto de Génova en barco hacia la Argentina. La Argentina también tenía una aerolínea que mantenía vuelos desde Roma a la Argentina y muchos nazis utilizaron también esos aviones.
¿Tuvieron los nazis una influencia política en la Argentina y si así es, de qué tipo?
Más que haber tenido una influencia en la Argentina, los nazis se fueron a la Argentina porque sintieron que allí había un régimen que era similar ideológicamente al régimen nacionalsocialista. Es decir que ya había una ideología preexistente en la Argentina. Creo que la influencia fue de otro tipo: a un país que se acostumbró a tener a Eichmann o a Mengele de vecinos le fue más fácil después aceptar que militares del propio país cometieran los crímenes que cometieron. Si un país tuvo a Eichmann, ¿por qué no va a tener a Videla?
En los años 70, las FF. AA. argentinas hicieron “desaparecer” unas 30.000 personas, asesinándolas de diferentes maneras, entre otras, arrojándolas vivas al mar desde aviones. ¿Qué relación existe entre esas acciones y la presencia de nazis en el país?
Creo que no fue una influencia directa de los nazis. Creo que el germen de ese crimen ya existía en la Argentina y que lo que creó la presencia de esas personas fue un clima de impunidad en el que es posible cualquier cosa. Si es posible que Eichmann sea nuestro vecino, ¿por qué nuestros propios militares no pueden quedar impunes y permanecer entre nosotros?
¿Cuál fue la posición de la colectividad alemana en la Argentina de la época con respecto al nacionalsocialismo?
En la Argentina había un muy fuerte apoyo al nazismo, había instituciones y organizaciones nazis dentro de la colectividad alemana. Además la embajada nazi en Buenos Aires mantenía un muy estricto control sobre la colectividad alemana. La colectividad estaba muy influenciada e incluso donaba dinero para la causa. Ahora bien, también había alemanes democráticos antinazis.
Elite argentina: “simpatizante del nazismo”
¿Cuál fue la posición de las elites argentinas –económica, política e intelectual– con respecto al nacionalsocialismo?
La población en general era más bien antinazi. Pero los grupos de poder eran simpatizantes del nazismo, el fascismo y el nacionalismo, porque ellos mismos eran nacionalistas y ultrarreligiosos católicos. El único disenso era que estaban en desacuerdo con la política antirreligiosa y anticatólica del nazismo. Incluso hubo enviados de las elites argentinas que se reunieron con Ribentropp, Himmler, etc. para decirles que había mucho apoyo para el nazismo en Sudamérica, pero que el nazismo tenía que cambiar su posición anticlerical.
¿Cuál fue la actitud del Gobierno argentino con respecto a los judíos que querían emigrar a la Argentina durante la persecución y el Holocausto en Europa y también después de la guerra?
La Argentina hizo todo lo posible para evitar que judíos emigraran a la Argentina. Hubo una orden secreta de la Cancillería argentina prohibiendo a los diplomáticos otorgar visas a judíos. Después de la guerra hubo órdenes secretas de Perón de dejar entrar sólo a judíos ancianos, porque así se daba la apariencia de que la Argentina aceptaba a judíos, pero éstos no podían tener descendencia. A pesar de ello, la Argentina se transformó en el país que más judíos recibió en las Américas, porque los diplomáticos argentinos eran muy proclives al soborno, una gran cantidad de judíos entraron mintiendo que eran católicos y otros, como no obtenían visas para la Argentina, conseguían visas para países vecinos, como Uruguay, Bolivia, Paraguay, y luego ingresaban desde allí ilegalmente a la Argentina. Se da entonces la contradicción de que el Gobierno argentino hizo todo lo que pudo para que no entraran, pero igualmente entraron miles y miles de judíos.
¿Cómo asume Argentina hoy su pasado en relación con la posición del Gobierno y la sociedad de la época respecto al nacionalsocialismo?
En la Argentina este tema es aún muy difícil, porque no se puede hablar de nazismo sin que roce o afecte a la figura de Perón o la figura de Evita, personas casi sagradas en la mitología política argentina hoy. Es entonces muy difícil en el mundo académico, en el mundo de los historiadores, en la enseñanza, en los colegios hablar de este tema. Por ejemplo el interés académico por este libro en la Argentina ha sido escasísimo. Nunca he dado ninguna charla en ninguna universidad, nunca he realizado una gira como la que estoy haciendo por Alemania. Hay interés del público, el libro se ha vendido muy bien, pero de ver esto como un dato real de la historia argentina, todavía estamos muy lejos.
Muchas gracias, Sr. Goñi.
BUENOS AIRES – That scores of fugitive Nazis found their way to Argentina after World War II, aided and abetted by Gen. Juan D. Perón, is no secret. But according to a book just published here that draws extensively on archival material only now being made available to researchers, his government also offered a haven for the profits of German companies that had been part of the Nazi war machine and whose assets the victorious Allies would otherwise have seized.
In “The German Connection: The Laundering of Nazi Money in Argentina,” Gaby Weber, a German journalist, argues that the Perón dictatorship sponsored an operation to move illicitly obtained wealth to Argentina and then back to Germany. For nearly a decade, her book asserts, German-made cars, trucks, buses and even the machinery for entire factories flowed into Argentina, paid for with dollars that were then used to help finance the “German economic miracle.”
To the chagrin of Argentines who still revere him and his wife, Evita, the evidence she presents indicates that Perón and a few favorites around him also took a cut. But Ms. Weber, who has lived and worked in South America since the mid-1980’s, said she was mainly interested in what she described as two parallel but complementary money streams to and from Germany, which were involved in and benefited from the arrangement.
“One must make a distinction between the Nazi Party organization and the companies, which had no interest in financing a Nazi resurgence,” she said in a recent interview here. “My focus is on the official Argentine government operation to help those companies launder their money, but a lot of Nazis also did it on their own, hoping to reconstruct the party” from their hiding places here.
Ms. Weber’s book, published in German and Spanish, is based in part on research in the corporate archives of Mercedes-Benz and on interviews with Argentines and Germans who took part in the scheme. But she also consulted government records of Germany, the United States and, particularly, Argentina, where she found transcripts of interrogations of participants after Perón’s ouster in September 1955, and other official documents that until now were generally off-limits to researchers.
According to the documents Ms. Weber cites, the laundering operation involved both the consistent overcharging for goods exported from Germany to Argentina and billing for nonexistent transactions. But the Argentine Central Bank also cooperated by permitting transactions to be conducted at an exchange rate unusually favorable to German companies.
“The German Connection” focuses largely on Mercedes-Benz, the automobile, bus and truck manufacturer that is today a unit of Daimler-Chrysler. But others offered by Ms. Weber as beneficiaries of the plan include German makers of electrical and railway equipment and other capital goods, as well as producers of items as varied as tractors and television sets.
“It is impossible to calculate the exact amount of money laundered in Argentina between 1950 and 1955,” Ms. Weber said. “But it probably corresponds to well over a billion dollars.”
According to Argentine documents seized after the overthrow of Perón, about half of one large shipment of Mercedes sedans to Argentina went directly to the president’s office. Perón appears to have kept four cars himself, but sent the others to judges and prosecutors, politicians, journalists and others whose support he was seeking.
Ms. Weber also found documentary evidence that in at least a couple of cases, entire factories were shipped to Argentina for reassembly here. Perón envisioned Argentina as an industrial power and apparently saw the importing of German equipment and experts as the best way to jump-start aircraft, chemical and other industries.
“Most of the machinery came from Rotterdam, though we don’t know how it got there,” Ms. Weber said. She added that most of the equipment appeared to be German in origin, though some was probably looted from Czechoslovakia or other conquered East European nations.
At one point, Ms. Weber also maintains, the Nazi Adolf Eichmann was hired, initially under his own name but later under an alias, at the Mercedes-Benz plant in the suburbs of the capital. In the interview, she suggested that Mr. Eichmann, abducted by Israel in 1960 and then tried and executed, might have functioned as a sort of paymaster, “financing the movement and flight to Argentina” of other fugitive Nazis.
Reached by telephone, a spokesman for Mercedes-Benz, Ursula Mertzig, acknowledged that Ms. Weber had been “given free entrance to our archives in Stuttgart and that we checked the names she gave us in our personnel data.” But she described the book as “a very strange story” that lacked substantiation.
“She has no proof of money laundering and there is no proof,” Ms. Mertzig said. “We could find nothing that gives nourishment to her reproach. This is her idea of what history was, but it is not supported by other historians in Germany.”
The publication of Ms. Weber’s book follows the release here late last year of a documentary film that caused debate on the same subject. The film, “Nazi Gold in Argentina,” contends that Swiss banks, the Roman Catholic Church and Argentine politicians conspired to loot hundreds of millions of dollars in cash and other valuable assets held by the Third Reich.
The film includes scenes of Nazi submarines filled with gold bars unloading their treasure on the deserted beaches of Patagonia, events that most experts dismiss as fanciful. But it also sheds light on the activities of shadowy figures like Hermann Dörge, a German banker who worked in Argentina’s Central Bank during the 1940’s and was officially declared to have committed suicide after destroying evidence of Nazi money transfers.
In his book “The Real Odessa: Smuggling the Nazis to Perón’s Argentina,” the Argentine writer Uki Goni documented how Croatian fascists allied with the Nazis shipped over 500 pounds of gold bars to Argentina after World War II. But he said that “regarding German or Austrian Nazi money after the war, the trail is more diffuse.”
During the war itself, “there is quite a lot of American documentation about how the Nazis laundered money, seized from the banks of conquered countries, in Argentina so they could buy raw supplies,” Mr. Goni said in an interview. He added that he found it “fishy” that many Argentine Central Bank records from then and the postwar period were either incomplete or said to be destroyed.
“I’m sure something happened, but the documents are still hidden,” Mr. Goni said. “A tremendous amount of research still needs to be done, and the Argentine government needs to open up more records, especially those of state intelligence.”
by Georg Hodel
iF magazine, January / February 1999
On June 6, 1947, Argentina’s first lady Eva Peron left for a glittering tour of Europe.
The glamorous ax-actress was feted in Spain, kissed the ring of Pope Pius Xll at the Vatican and hobnobbed with the rich-and-famous in the mountains of Switzerland
Eva Peron, known as “Evita” by her adoring followers, was superficially on a trip to strengthen diplomatic, business and cultural ties between Argentina and important leaders of Europe.
But there was a parallel mission behind the high-profile trip, one that has contributed to a half century of violent extremism in Latin America
According to records now emerging from Swiss archives and the investigations of Nazi hunters, an unpublicized side of Evita’s world tour was coordinating the network for helping Nazis relocate in Argentina
This new evidence of Evita’s cozy ties with prominent Nazis corroborates the long-held suspicion that she and her husband, Gen. Juan Peron, laid the groundwork for a bloody resurgence of fascism across Latin America in the 1970s end ’80s.
Besides blemishing the Evita legend the evidence threatens to inflict more damage on Switzerland’s image for plucky neutrality. The international banking center is still staggering from disclosures about its wartime collaboration with Adolf Hitler and Swiss profiteering off his Jewish victims.
The archival records indicate that Switzerland’s assistance to Hitler’s henchmen didn’t stop with the collapse of the Third Reich.
And the old Swiss-Argentine-Nazi connection reaches to the present in another way. Spanish “superjudge” Baltasar Garzon is seeking to open other Swiss records on bank accounts controlled by Argentine military officers who led the so-called “Dirty War” that killed and “disappeared” tens of thousands of Argentines between 1976-83.
During World War IL Gen. Peron -a populist military leader — made no secret of his sympathies for Mussolini’s Italy and Hitler’s Germany.
Even as the Third Reich crumbled in the spring of 1945, Peron remained a pro-fascist stalwart, making available more than 1,000 blank passports for Nazi collaborators fleeing Europe.
With Europe in chaos and the Allies near victory, tens of thousands of ranking Nazis dropped out of sight, tried to mix in with common refugees and began plotting escapes from Europe to Argentina across clandestine “ratlines.”
At the Argentine end of that voyage was Rodolfo Freude. He also was Juan Peron’s private secretary, one of Evita’s principal benefactors and the chief of Argentine internal security.
Freude’s father, Ludwig, played another key role. As managing director of the Banco Aleman Transatlantico in Buenos Aires, he led the pro-Nazi German community in Argentina and acted as trustee for hundreds of millions of German Reichsmarks that the Fuehrer’s top aides sent to Argentina near the war’s end.
By 1946, the first wave of defeated fascists was settling into new Argentine homes. The country also was rife with rumors that the thankful Nazis had begun to repay Peron by bankrolling his campaign for the presidency, which he won with his stunning wife at his side.
In 1947, Peron was living in Argentina’s presidential palace and was hearing pleas from thousands of other Nazis desperate to flee Europe. The stage was set for one of the most troubling boat-lifts in human history.
The archival records reveal that Eva Peron stepped forward to serve as Gen. Peron’s personal emissary to this Nazi underground. Already, Evita was an Argentine legend
Born in 1919 as an illegitimate child she became a prostitute to survive and to get acting roles. As she climbed the social ladder lover by lover, she built up deep resentments toward the traditional elites.
As a mistress to other army officers, she caught the eye of handsome military strongman Juan Peron. After a public love affair, they married in 1945.
As Peron’s second wife, Evita fashioned herself as the “queen of the poor,” the protector of those she called “mis descamisados” — “my shirtless ones.” She created a foundation to help the poor buy items from toys to houses.
But her charity extended, too, to her husband’s Nazi allies. In June 1947, Evita left for post-war Europe. A secret purpose of her first major overseas trip apparently was pulling together the many loose ends of the Nazi relocation.
Evita’s first stop on her European tour was Spain, where Generalissimo Francisco Franco – her husband’s model and mentor — greeted her with all the dignified folderol of a head of state.
A fascist who favored the Axis powers but maintained official neutrality in the war, Franco had survived to provide a haven for the Third Reich’s dispossessed Franco’s Spain was an important early hide-out for Nazis who slipped through the grasp of the Allies and needed a place to stay before continuing on to more permanent homes in Latin America or the Middle East.
While in Spain, Evita reportedly met secretly with Nazis who were part of the entourage of Otto Skorzeny, the dashing Austrian commando leader known as Scarface because of a dueling scar across his left cheek.
Though under Allied detention in 1947, Skorzeny already was the purported leader of the clandestine organization, Die Spinne or The Spider, which used millions of dollars looted from the Reichsbank to smuggle Nazis from Europe to Argentina.
After escaping in 1948, Skorzeny set up the legendary ODESSA organization which tapped into other hidden Nazi funds to help ex-SS men rebuild their lives — and the fascist movement — in South America.
Evita’s next stop was equally fitting. The charismatic beauty traveled to Rome for an audience with Pope Pius Xll, a Vatican meeting that lasted longer than the usual kiss on the ring.
At the time, the Vatican was acting as a crucial way station doling out forged documents for fascist fugitives. Pope Pius himself was considered sympathetic to the tough anti-communism of the fascists although he had kept a discreet public distance from Hitler.
A top-secret State Department report from May 1947 – a month before Evita’s trip – had termed the Vatican “the largest single organization involved in the illegal movement of emigrants,” including many Nazis. Leading ex-Nazis later publicly thanked the Vatican for its vital assistance.
As for the Evita-Pius audience, former Justice Department Nazi-hunter John Loftus has charged that the First Lady of the Pampas and His Holiness discussed the care and feeding of the Nazi faithful in Argentina.
After her Roman holiday, Evita hoped to meet Great Britain’s Queen Elizabeth. But the British government balked out of fear that the presence of Peron’s wife might provoke an embarrassing debate over Argentina’s pro-Nazi leanings and the royal family’s own pre-war cuddling up to Hitler. Instead Evita diverted to Rapallo, a town near Genoa on the Italian Rivera.
There, she was the guest of Alberto Dodero, owner of an Argentine shipping fleet known for transporting some of the world’s most unsavory cargo.
On June 19, 1947, in the midst of Evita’s trip, the first of Dodero’s ships, the Santa Fe,. arrived in Buenos Aires and disgorged hundreds of Nazis onto the docks of their new country.
Over the next few years, Dodero’s boats would carry thousands of Nazis to South America including some of Hitler’s vilest war criminals, the likes of Mengele and Eichmann, according to Argentine historian Jorge Camarasa.
On August 4, 1947, Evita and her entourage headed north to the stately city of Geneva a center for international finance. There, she participated in more meetings with key figures from the Nazi escape apparatus.
A Swiss diplomat named Jacques Albert Cuttat welcomed the onetime torch singer. The meeting was a reunion of sorts, since Evita had known Cuttat when he worked at the Swiss Legation in Argentina from 1938 to 1946.
Newly released documents from Argentina’s Central Bank showed that during the war, the Swiss Central Bank and a dozen Swiss private banks maintained suspicious gold accounts in Argentina Among the account holders was Jacques Albert Cuttat.
The Swiss files accused Cuttat of conducting unauthorized private business and maintaining questionable wartime contacts with known Nazis. In spite of those allegations, the Swiss government promoted Cuttat to chief of protocol of the Swiss Foreign Service, after his return from Argentina to Switzerland
In that capacity, Cuttat escorted Eva Peron to meetings with senior Swiss officials. The pair went to see Foreign Minister Max Petitpierre and Philipp Etter, the Swiss president.
Etter extended a warm welcome to Evita even accompanying her the next day on a visit to the city of Lucerne, “the doorway to the Swiss Alps.”
After her “official” duties had ended, Evita dropped out of pubic view. Supposedly, she joined some friends for rest and recreation in the mountains of St. Moritz.
But the documents recounting her Swiss tour revealed that she continued making business contacts that would advance both Argentine commerce and the relocation of Hitler’s henchmen. She was a guest of the “Instituto Suizo-Argentino” at a private reception at the Hotel “Baur au Lac” in Zurich, the banking capital of Switzerland’s German-speaking sector.
There, Professor William Dunkel, the president of the Institute, addressed an audience of more than 200 Swiss bankers and businessmen -plus Eva Peron – on the wonderful opportunities about to blossom in Argentina.
Recently released Swiss archival documents explained what was behind the enthusiasm. Peron’s ambassador to Switzerland, Benito Llambi, had undertaken a secret mission to create a sort of emigration service to coordinate the escape of the Nazis, particularly those with scientific skills.
Already, Llambi had conducted secret talks with Henry Guisan Jr., a Swiss agent whose clients included a German engineer who had worked for Wernher von Braun’s missile team. Guisan offered Llambi the blueprints of German “V2″ and “V3″ rockets.
Guisan himself emigrated to Argentina where he established several firms that specialized in the procurement of war material.
His ex-wife later told investigators, “I had to attend business associates of my former husband I’d rather not shake hands with. When they started to talk business I had to leave the room. I only remember that millions were at stake.”
Intelligence files of the Bern Police Department show that the secret Nazi emigration office was located at Marktgasse 49 in downtown Bern, the Swiss capital. The operation was directed by three Argentines – Carlos Fuldner, Herbert Helfferich and Dr. Georg Weiss. A police report described them as “110 percent Nazis.
The leader of the team, Carlos Fuldner, was the son of German immigrants to Argentina who had returned to Germany to study. In 1931, Fuldner joined the SS and later was recruited into German foreign intelligence.
At war’s end, Fuldner fled to Madrid with a planeload of stolen art, according to a U.S. State Department report. He then moved to Bern where he posed as a representative of the Argentinean Civil Air Transport Authority. Fuldner was in place to assist the first wave of Nazi emigres.
One of the first Nazis to reach Buenos Aires via the “ratlines” was Erich Priebke, an SS officer accused of a mass execution of Italian civilians. Another was Croat Ustashi leader Ante Pavefic. They were followed by concentration camp commander Joseph Schwamberger and the sadistic Auschwitz doctor, Joseph Mengele.
Later, on June 14, 1951, the emigrant ship, “Giovanna C,” carried Holocaust architect Adolf Eichmann to Argentina where he posed as a technician under a false name. Fuldner found Eichmann a job at Mercedes-Benz.
(Israel intelligence agents captured Eichmann in May 1960 and spirited him to Israel to stand trial for mass murder. He was convicted, sentenced to death and hanged in 1962.)
Through Evita’s precise role in organizing the Nazi “ratlines” remains a bit fuzzy, her European tour connected the dots of the key figures in the escape network. She also helped
clear the way for more formal arrangements in the Swiss-Argentine-Nazi collaboration.
Additional evidence is contained in postwar diplomatic correspondence between Switzerland and Argentina. The documents reveal that the head of the Swiss Federal Police, Heinrich Rothmund, and the former Swiss intelligence officer Paul Schaufelberger participated in the activities of the illegal Argentine emigration service in Bern.
For instance, one urgent telegram from Bern to the Swiss Legation in Rome stated: “The (Swiss) Police Department wants to send 16 refugees to Argentina with the emigration ship that leaves Genoa March 26 . Stop. All of them carry Swiss ID cards and have return visa. Stop.”
Besides political sympathies, the Peron government saw an economic pay-off in smuggling German scientists to work in Argentine factories and armaments plants.
The first combat jet introduced into South America– the “Pulque” — was built in Argentina by the German aircraft designer Kurt Tank of the firm, Focke-Wulf. His engineers and test pilots arrived via the illegal emigration service in Bern.
But other Nazi scientists who reached the protected shores of Argentina were simply sadists. One physician, Dr. Carl Vaernet, had conducted surgical experiments on homosexuals at the Buchenwald concentration camp. Vaernet castrated the men and then inserted metal sex glands that inflicted agonizing deaths on some of his patients.
For the Swiss, the motives for their cozy Nazi-Argentine relationships were political and financial, both during and after the war.
Ignacio Klich, spokesman for a new independent commission investigating Nazi-Argentine collaboration, said he believes the wartime business between Nazi Germany and Argentina was handled routinely by Swiss fiduciaries.
That suspicion was confirmed by Swiss files released to the U.S. Senate as well as papers from the Swiss Office of Compensation and correspondence between the Swiss Foreign Ministry and the Swiss legation in Buenos Aires.
One target of the commission’s investigation is Johann Wehrli, a private banker from Zurich. During World War II, one of Wehrfi’s sons opened a branch office in Buenos Aires which, investigators suspect, was used to funnel Nazi assets into Argentina.
The money allegedly included loot from Jews and other Nazi victims. (Later, the giant Union Bank of Switzerland absorbed the Wehrli bank.)
Swiss defenders argue that tiny Switzerland had little choice but to work with the powerful fascist governments on its borders during the war. But the post-war assistance appears harder to justify, when the most obvious motive was money.
According to a secret report written by a U.S. Army major in 1948, the Swiss government made a hefty profit by providing Germans with the phony documents needed to flee to Argentina. The one-page memo quoted a confidential informant with contacts in the Swiss and Dutch governments as saying, “The Swiss government was not only anxious to get rid of German nationals, legally or illegally within their borders, but further that they made a considerable profit in getting rid of them.”
The informant said German nationals paid Swiss officials as much as 200,000 Swiss francs for temporary residence documents necessary to board flights out of Switzerland. (The sum was worth about S50,000 at the time.)
Moreover, that memo and other documents suggest that KLM Royal Dutch Airlines may have illegally flown suspected Nazis to safety in Argentina, while Swissair acted as a booking agent.
Back in Argentina, the rave reviews for Evita’s European trip cemented her reputation as a superstar.
It also brought her immense wealth lavished on her by grateful Nazis. Her husband was re-elected president in 1951, by which time large numbers of Nazis were firmly ensconced in Argentina’s military-industrial apparatus.
Evita Peron died of cancer in 1953, touching off despair among her followers. The fearful military buried her secretly in an unannounced location to prevent her grave from becoming a national shrine.
Meanwhile, a feverish hunt began for her personal fortune. Evita’s brother and guardian of her image, Juan Duarte, traveled to Switzerland in search of her hidden assets.
After his return to Argentina, Duarte was found dead in his apartment. Despite her husband’s control of the police — or maybe because of it -the authorities never established whether Duarte was murdered or had committed suicide.
In 1955, Juan Peron was overthrown and fled to exile in Spain where he lived as a guest of Franco. Peron apparently accessed some of Evita’s secret Swiss accounts because he sustained a luxurious lifestyle.
The money also may have greased Peron’s brief return to power in 1973. Peron died in 1974, leaving behind the mystery of Evita’s Nazi fortune. In 1976, the army overthrew Peron’s vice president, his last wife, Isabel.
Paradoxically, the cult of Evita flourished still. The idolatry blinded her followers to the consequences of her flirtation with the Nazis.
Those aging fascists accomplished much of what the ODESSA strategists had hoped. The Nazis in Argentina kept
Hitler’s torch burning, won new converts in the region’s militaries and passed on the advanced science of torture and “death squad” operations.
Hundreds of left-wing Peronist students and unionists were among the victims of the neo-fascist Argentine junta that launched the Dirty War in 1976.
When the junta started its “war without borders” against the left elsewhere in Latin America, it used Nazis as storm-troopers. Among them was Klaus Barbie, the Gestapo’s Butcher of Lyon who had settled in Bolivia with the help of the “ratline” network.
In 1980, Barbie helped organize a brutal putsch against the democratically elected government in Bolivia. Drug lords and an international coalition of neo-fascists bankrolled the putsch.
A key supporting role was played by the World Anti-Communist League, led by World War I fascist war criminal Ryoichi Sasakawa of Japan and the Rev. Sun Myung Moon.
Barbie sought assistance from Argentine intelligence. One of the first Argentine officers to arrive, Lt. Alfred Mario Mingolla, later described Barbie’s role to German journalist Kai Hermann.
“Before our departure, we received a dossier on [Barbie],” Mingolla said. “There it stated that he was of great use to Argentina because he played an important role in all of Latin America in the fight against communism.”
Just like in the good old days, the Butcher of Lyon worked with a younger generation of Italian neo-fascists. Barbie started a secret lodge called “Thule,” where he lectured his followers underneath swastikas by candlelight.
On July 17, 1980, Barbie, his neo-fascists and rightist officers from the Bolivian army ousted the center-left government. Barbie’s team hunted down and slaughtered government Officials and labor leaders, while Argentine specialists flew in to demonstrate the latest torture techniques.
Because the putsch gave Bolivian drug lords free reign of the country, the operation became known as the Cocaine Coup. With the assistance of Barbie and his neo-fascists, Bolivia became a protected source of cocaine for the emerging Medellin cartel.
Two years later, Barbie was captured and extradited to France where he died in prison.
Most of the other old Nazis are dead, too. But the violent extremism that the Perons transplanted into South America in the 1940s still haunts the region.
In the 1980s, the Argentine military extended its operations to Central America where it collaborated with Ronald Reagan’s CIA in organizing paramilitary forces, such as the Nicaraguan contras and Honduran “death squads.”
Even today, as right-wing dictators in Latin America are called to account for past atrocities, fledgling democracies must move cautiously and keep a wary eye on rightists in the region’s potent militaries.
The ghosts of Evita’s Nazis are never far away.
iF magazine is an investigative newsmagazine
The Media Consortium
2200 Wilson Blvd.,
Suite 102-231, Arlington, VA 22201
1-800-738-1812 or (703) 920-1802
By LARRY ROHTER
Published: March 09, 2003
SIGN IN TO E-MAIL
Under fire because of a new book that documents for the first time how Juan Perón clandestinely maneuvered to bring Nazi and other war criminals to Argentina after World War II, the Peronist government here is resisting calls to release long-secret official records about the collaboration.
According to the Simon Wiesenthal Center here, both the Foreign Relations Ministry and the Interior Ministries have failed to respond to letters, sent to them shortly after the book was published here late last year, asking that the records be made public.
In addition, seven members of Congress have now called for an investigation into how crucial immigration records were apparently destroyed six years ago in defiance of existing laws.
The book that ignited the controversy, published in the United States as ”The Real Odessa: Smuggling the Nazis to Perón’s Argentina” (Granta Books: 2002), has become a best seller here. Its author, Uki Goñi, is an Argentine journalist who had to do much of his research in European archives after encountering closed doors here.
”This is an issue of credibility and transparency,” Mr. Goñi said in an interview.
But he also said he recognized the political explosiveness of the documents since they demonstrated ”just how closely linked Argentina and the Third Reich were and prove the existence of a secret postwar organization that involved Perón and provided a safe haven to Nazis.”
According to records Mr. Goñi has uncovered here and abroad, Perón’s government, which was in power from 1946 to 1955, shepherded nearly 300 war criminals into the country.
Besides such notorious figures as Adolf Eichmann, Josef Mengele and Klaus Barbie, dozens of French, Belgian, Italian, Croatian and Slovak fascists, many of them Nazi collaborators sought in their home nations, were also admitted, some under aliases, others under their real names.
The documents indicate that the covert network was run directly from the presidential palace here by Rodolfo Freude, a German-Argentine who was one of Perón’s closest advisers. At the same time, Mr. Freude was both running Perón’s propaganda apparatus and serving as director of the newly founded state intelligence service.
During his research in Europe, Mr. Goñi also discovered a confidential Foreign Ministry circular from 1938 whose effect was to close Argentina to Jewish refugees seeking to flee Germany.
It ordered Argentine embassies to turn down visa requests from all applicants who ”have abandoned their country as undesirables or expulsees, regardless of the motive of their expulsion.”
In 1992, the president at the time, Carlos Saúl Menem, also a Peronist, ordered that all documents relating to the Argentine government’s dealings with the Nazis be made public. But that decree, like the findings of a Foreign Ministry commission set up in 1997 to examine similar links, appears to have produced little of use to historians or victims of the war criminals who settled here.
”It’s an embarrassment,” said Sergio Widder, who as the Latin American representative of the Simon Weisenthal Center sent the letters requesting that the documents mentioned in Mr. Goñi’s book be made available. ”They are simply newspaper clippings.”
Argentina also has a law that makes official documents more than 30 years old the property of its National Archives. As a result, destroying such records without the express authorization of the Archives, as the immigration department is said to have done in 1996, is technically a criminal act, one that the congressmen, all Socialists, want investigated and accounted for.
”We believe that a lid was put on this during the Menem administration and that if archives about criminals of war still exist, they need to be made available to the public,” said Rubén Giustiniani, sponsor of the resolution. ”Nazism-Fascism was one of the worst plagues ever to affect mankind, and a recognition of what happened here is essential, not just for history but for the present and the future.”
Of the three government agencies that Mr. Widder has contacted with requests for documents mentioned in the book, only the state intelligence service has responded, albeit ambiguously.
In a one-paragraph letter, Secretary of Intelligence Miguel Ángel Toma said simply that his agency ”does not possess the information solicited,” without mentioning whether an archive even exists.
”We have reason to doubt this response, since it seems highly unlikely that the police would have a file on someone like Mengele, who was in the country under his real name, and the intelligence service would not,” Mr. Widder said. ”Either they are lying or they are inept.”
According to the documents Mr. Goñi uncovered, the Roman Catholic Church was also deeply involved in the secret network. The Perón government authorized the arrival of the first Nazi collaborators here, he said, as a result of a meeting in March 1946 between Antonio Caggiano, an Argentine cardinal, and Eugene Tisserant, a French cardinal attached to the Vatican.
Because of that connection, Mr. Widder has also written to the Argentine Conference of Roman Catholic Bishops, asking that it make public all documents relating to the Argentine church’s involvement in the smuggling network. The bishops’ group, however, replied that it was unable to do so because ”it did not yet exist” in 1946 and that ”the persons to whom we have turned have no recollection whatsoever” of the two cardinals having met.
”The documentation I have seen shows that the church was the guarantor to the Red Cross for these criminals to get permission to emigrate to Argentina, and many of the applications are signed by priests or by the Pontifical Commission of Assistance, the pope’s own entity for refugees,” Mr. Goñi said. ”This couldn’t and wouldn’t have happened without the church.”
Any expat living in Buenos Aires will be aware of Argentina’s open door policy towards immigration. After all, lots of us just hop over to Uruguay every three months to perpetually renew our tourist visas. Technically it’s illegal to spend more than six months per year here on a tourist visa, but no-one seems to mind.
In fact, Argentina has had an open door policy on immigration for the last 200 years, including a long period where immigration (specifically from European countries) was actively encouraged. And how’s this for a factoid: between 1821 and 1932, Argentina was #2 in the world in the number of immigrants that it admitted, a staggering 6,405,000 people. (Wondering which country was #1 in the world during this period? It was of course the United States of America, admitting approximately five times as many immigrants as Argentina!)
So far all this sounds innocuous enough. It’s nice that so many people who want to settle in Argentina have been able to. But in the aftermath of World War II, Argentina’s door was open to a much more sinister group of people: Nazis and Nazi collaborators fleeing Europe in order to escape trial (or, one supposes, a bullet in the head courtesy of Mossad) for their war crimes.
Shameful enough, but it gets worse. Despite an official position of neutrality, it appears that the Argentine government also actively supported Nazi Germany during the war, and that the offer of a safe haven to Nazis after the war was simply an extension of this support.
The main villain of this piece, perhaps unsurprisingly, was Juan Perón. Perón was sympathetic to the Nazi cause and in 1943 traveled to Germany to discuss the possibility of an arms deal between Argentina and Germany.
Investigators believe that following the war, a cabal of ex-Nazis and Nazi collaborators formed in Argentina and worked with the Perón government (he became president in 1946) to organize the emigration of hundreds, perhaps even thousands, of their kind to Argentina. Members of the group frequently travelled to Europe to look for and bring back more of the fugitives.
It’s not known exactly how many ex-Nazis were brought to Argentina during the late 1940s and early 1950s. One researcher identified 300, but there easily could have been more. What is known is that they included Josef Mengele, Adolf Eichmann and his adjutant Franz Stangl, Erich Priebke (a former Captain in the Waffen SS), Klaus Barbie – also known as ‘the Butcher of Lyon’ (a former Captain in the SS and a member of the Gestapo), Ustasha Dinko Šakić (former commandant of the concentration camp that was nicknamed ‘the Auschwitz of the Balkans’) and many, many others.
The ex-Nazis were given landing permits and visas and it has also been claimed that many of them were even given jobs in Perón’s government.
In 1998, while opening the Commission for the Clarification of Nazi Activities in Argentina, the Argentine foreign minister Guido di Tella described the collaboration between Argentina and Nazi Germany as a ‘painful and shameful’ episode in Argentina’s history. It is undoubtedly that. However, in fairness it must also be mentioned that as well as accepting ex-Nazis, Argentina under Perón also accepted more Jewish immigrants than any other country in Latin America. Today Argentina has over 200,000 Jewish citizens, the sixth-largest population of Jewish people in the world. While Perón clearly sympathized with Nazi Germany, he also sympathized with the Jews. Also, it seems that a big motivation for Perón in inviting ex-Nazis to Argentina was that he hoped to acquire from them German technology that had been developed during the war. It wasn’t, or wasn’t only, that he wanted to protect the ex-Nazis from the consequences of their crimes.
But what about the present day. Might there be ex-Nazis still alive and living in Argentina today? Could you see one on the street of Buenos Aires? It seems unlikely. After all, someone who was 35 in 1940 would be 105 this year (2010) and probably would have died of natural causes. However, the director of the Simon Wiesenthal Center (which is dedicated to tracking down escaped war criminals) believes that potentially dozens of lower-level Nazi war criminals – who would have been younger than their superiors – might still be alive. The Simon Wiesenthal Center has launched an operation called ‘Operation Last Chance,’ which is a final effort at finding and bringing to trial as many ex-Nazis as possible before they die of old age.
January 30, 2004
What’s the true story on South American Nazis? After World War II why would countries like Argentina and Paraguay want them?
— David Storms
Come now. After the war Argentina and Paraguay were run for years by nationalist strongmen, Juan Peron and Alfredo Stroessner respectively, who liked to strut around in military regalia and brutalize dissidents. Argentina had remained officially neutral until early 1945, when economic pressure forced it to throw in with the Allies, but until that point was in intimate contact with Hitler’s regime and the fascist Franco government in Spain. Postwar Brazil was still fascist-friendly, a legacy of deposed dictator Getulio Vargas. Surely it’s no surprise that the leaders of these countries nurtured fraternal feelings for fleeing Nazis. I might also point out that not all fugitives from the Third Reich ended up in South America–quite a few are said to have headed for Spain or the Middle East, and the U.S. imported a crowd of Nazi rocket scientists during Operation Paperclip. That said, the true story of how war criminals like Adolf Eichmann and Josef Mengele wound up in the land of the gauchos has never been fully told, and even now it’s difficult to separate fact from fiction. Leading candidates for chief enabler of the great escape include:
Odessa. Part of the popular consciousness ever since Frederick Forsyth’s best-selling 1972 novel The Odessa File, this secret group (the name is an acronym for Organization der ehemaligen SS-Angehörigen, “Organization of Former SS Members”) supposedly used stashed war booty and connections in high places to spirit Nazi big shots out of reach of the Allies. Nazi hunter Simon Wiesenthal says he first heard about Odessa during the Nuremberg trials, and in his 1989 book Justice, Not Vengeance he seems convinced it exists, or rather existed. He offers little evidence, though, and others have their doubts. Even some believers say the organization was amateurish and short-lived.
The Catholic church. The claim that members of the Catholic hierarchy were instrumental in obtaining documents, cash, and safe passage for many escaping Nazis is only barely scandalous these days. The benign view is that individual clerics acted out of humanitarian concern, believing they were aiding refugees from postwar communist persecution, and were unaware of their charges’ sordid pasts. Others say the Vatican knew quite well what was going on but wanted former Nazis as allies in its struggle against the reds. A figure commonly named in this context is Alois Hudal, an openly pro-Nazi German bishop in Rome who is said to have helped engineer the escapes of dozens if not hundreds of Nazis–including Eichmann, who was living in Argentina when the Mossad caught him in 1960, and Franz Stangl, commandant of the Treblinka death camp, who ultimately made his way to Brazil and was captured there in 1967.
All of the above plus Peron. Argentine journalist Uki Goñi, in The Real Odessa: Smuggling the Nazis to Peron’s Argentina (2002), offers what amounts to a synthesis of earlier theories. The “real Odessa,” he says, consisted of about a dozen energetic ex-Nazis and Nazi collaborators from several nations, including a few wanted war criminals, working in concert with the Peron regime and sympathetic Catholic officials in both Europe and Argentina. Goñi makes a plausible case that the cabal, which was organized in Buenos Aires following Peron’s election as Argentina’s president in 1946, orchestrated the emigration of hundreds, perhaps thousands of Nazis and other unsavory types to the country in the late 1940s and early 1950s. (He also claims that the cabal was based at the presidential palace, and that many of its members were given important jobs in Peron’s government.) The old Nazis made frequent trips to Europe to troll for more fugitives; some war criminals had to be smuggled out, but in other cases countries were glad to unload their troublesome Nazi refugees. Visas and landing permits were handed out freely, the chief concern being that no communists or Jews be allowed in by mistake. How many ex-Nazis made it to Argentina is not known. Goñi says he identified 300 during six years of research, and it’s easy to believe there were many more.
It’s a lot to swallow, no question, and notwithstanding his 591 footnotes Goñi concedes that many key Argentine records that would’ve corroborated his story have been destroyed. Still, he avoids the overheated claims of other writers, and the plain fact is that all those Nazis didn’t wind up in South America by coincidence–they were going where they were welcome. As for the details? Given the current worldwide consensus that Nazis represent the ultimate human evil (and the resulting disinclination of officials in Argentina and elsewhere to come clean), Goñi’s book may be as close as we’ll get to the truth.
— Cecil Adams
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
The pursuit of Nazi collaborators refers to the post-World War II pursuit and apprehension of individuals who were not citizens of the Third Reich at the outbreak of World War II and collaborated with the Nazi regime during the war. Hence, this article does not cover former members of the NSDAP and their fate after the war.
2 Means of pursuit
3 Pursuit in specific countries
3.10 Soviet Union
3.11 Baltic republics
3.12 United Kingdom
4 See also
5 References and notes
6 External links
There were a number of motives for the apprehension of suspected collaborators, the main motives were revenge for those murdered, especially those murdered on ethnic grounds in the Holocaust (principally amongst Jews and Russians). And a desire after the bitter war, to see those responsible face justice, and be categorized as criminals by a court of law (See Nuremberg Trials). Ensuring that criminal acts done were brought to light and placed on the official record, with evidence, so that they could never be disproven (some of the acts being so unthinkable that denial was plausible). A widespread sense that genocide of whole communities and cultures on such a scale was intolerable and must not be left unprosecuted even despite the inadequacy of existing laws. Other motives included were the fear that a “Nazi underground” of some kind existed, such as the ODESSA which could allow the enemy to somehow regroup for their proclaimed Fourth Reich.
Means of pursuit
The pursuit took many forms, both individual and organised. Several organizations and individuals (famous Nazi hunters) pursue ex-Nazis or Nazi Collaborators who allegedly engaged in war crimes or crimes against humanity. The pursuits took varied forms such as Individuals who reported they saw someone who they recognised, who had now assumed a false identity intent on slipping back into civilian life undetected. Specific individuals were named and sought by groups or governments for their crimes during the war.
Others were subject to after-war spontaneous retaliation committed by populations within occupied countries, which in some areas led to “Witch hunts” for those suspected of having been collaborators, where Vigilantism and “summary justice”, were common. After a first period of spontaneous pursuit, provisional governments took the matter into their own hands and brought suspected criminals to court. The Nuremberg Trial in Germany judged only the highest German Nazi authorities and each country prosecuted and sentenced their own Collaborationists (e.g., Pierre Laval in France was judged and sentenced to death, while Philippe Pétain was also sentenced to death, but Charles de Gaulle later commuted his sentence into a life condemnation). Government action to the form of investigation and interrogation for people suspected to be such. For example: U.S. DOJ Office of Special Investigations.
Infiltration of Nazi support and escape organisations (the most famous one being the ODESSA network and its various “ratlines”) and those believed to be aiding and abetting them. However, many suspected war criminals were also amnestied, some of whom succeeding in reaching high positions in post-war administrations (e.g. Maurice Papon, who became Police Prefect of Paris in charge during the Algerian War (1954–62) and was blamed for the 1961 Paris massacre). Others were never even tried such as Robert de Foy who resumed being head of the Belgian State Security Service 1945-1958.
Pursuit in specific countries
Argentina was a popular destination for Nazis. Declassified files show how Buenos Aires helped establish a network to rescue collaborators and Nazis from post war Europe. The network issued false paperwork to help Nazis escape the Allies, via the port of Genoa and finally by ship to Argentina. Once in Argentina Juan Perón’s government protected them and they settled in the southern regions of the country. In early October 1999 Nazi hunter Efraim Zuroff tracked Ustasha Dinko Šakić, the former commandant of Jasenovac concentration camp (nicknamed the “Auschwitz of the Balkans”). Sakic had lived in Argentina for more than fifty years. He was extradited to Croatia and sentenced by a Zagreb court to twenty year’s imprisonment for his crimes. 
Latvia applied to Australia to extradite Konrads Kalejs, allegedly a senior officer in the pro-Nazi Arajs Commando, but he died on November 8, 2001 before he could be extradited. Kalejs migrated to Australia in 1950 and took citizenship. Hungary applied for the extradition of Charles Zentai from Australia. He was accused of the murder of Peter Balazs, an 18-year old Jewish man, in Budapest in November 1944, while serving in the Hungarian Army. 
Belgium imprisoned Belgian nationals who had collaborated with the Nazis and executed some. One Belgian to be sentenced to execution was Pierre Daye, however he was one of the first Nazi collaborators to escape Europe, and unusually by plane. He fled to Argentina with the help of Charles Lescat, also collaborator of Je suis partout. Once in Argentina he attended a meeting organized by Juan Perón in the Casa Rosada during which a network (colloquially called ratlines) was created, to organize the escape of collaborators and former Nazis. On June 17, 1947, Belgium requested his extradition from Argentina, however the Argentine Government ignored this request. Now secure in his freedom, Pierre Daye resumed his writing activities, becoming the editor of an official Perónist review. 
Henri de Man was one of the leading Belgian socialist theoreticians of his period, who collaborated with Nazi Germany during World War II. After the liberation of Belgium, he crossed the border to Switzerland. He was convicted in absentia of treason after the war. He died in 1953, together with his wife, in a collision with a train.
Albert Luykx fled to the Republic of Ireland in 1948 and became an Irish citizen in 1954.
Actions against Nazi collaborators in Czechoslovakia, real or alleged, had two significant forms, by judiciary or by mob action. Immediately after liberation of Czechoslovakia by Soviet and American armies, in an atmosphere of chaos, wild chases began. Individual acts of revenge, mob violence, and simply criminal acts motivated by the possibility to rob or loot targets, occurred. In some places were conducted, by organized groups of self-styled partisans, violence which resembled what is today known as ethnic cleansing. In most places this stopped when the provisional Czech government and local authorities took power. Other forms included legal action, undertaken by the state administration, after the war, until the regular Czech parliament was established. President Beneš ruled by issuing decrees, which were later ratified by parliament.
By decree 5/1945 property of untrustworthy persons was put under national administration. Untrustworthy were considered German and Hungarian nationals, and people who were active in destruction of the Czechoslovak state and its democratic government, supported Nazi occupation by any means, or were members of organizations considered fascist or collaborator. By the same decree, property of people of German and Hungarian nationality, who could prove they were anti-Nazi, could be returned to them.
By decree 12/1945 Sb. farm property of German and Hungarian nationals or citizens was confiscated, unless they could prove active resistance against Nazism. Property of traitors, and enemies of the republic was confiscated no matter what nationality or citizenship. By decree 16/1945 Sb. special tribunals were set up. These people’s courts had right to sentence to long term imprisonment, life sentence or death. Prosecutions varied from verbal support to those who had committed crimes against humanity, no prosecution was based on ethnicity. By 33/1945 Sb. people of German and Hungarian nationality or ethnicity lost Czechoslovakian citizenship. However, they had right to apply for renewal.
Most problematic was the law 115/1946 about resistance against Nazi regime, which shifted limit of immunity to the year 1946, effectively amnestying all crimes, acts of individual revenge and atrocities against Germans and Hungarians long after war. People who lost Czechoslovakian citizenship and failed to apply or did not get it were transferred to Germany, many through the transfer camp established at Terezín, also known as the Theresienstadt concentration camp.
Further information: Epuration légale
After the liberation, France was briefly swept by a wave of executions of suspected collaborators. Women who were suspected of having romantic liaisons with Germans, or, more often, of being German prostitutes, were publicly humiliated by having their heads shaved. Those who had engaged in the black market were also stigmatized as “war profiteers” (profiteurs de guerre). However, the Provisional Government of the French Republic (GPRF, 1944–46) quickly reestablished order and brought collaborators before the courts. Many of the convicted were granted amnesty under the Fourth Republic (1946–1954), while some civil servants, such as Maurice Papon, succeeding in holding important positions even under Charles de Gaulle and the Fifth Republic (1958 and afterward).
Three periods are identified by historians: the first phase (the épuration sauvage) consisted of popular convictions, summary executions, and the shaving of women’s heads. Estimates by police prefects made in 1948 and 1952 were that as many as six thousand executions occurred before the liberation of France, and four thousand thereafter. The second phase, legal epuration or épuration légale, began on 26 and 27 June 1944 with Charles de Gaulle’s ordinances on the judgment of collaborators by the commissions d’épuration; the commissions sentenced approximately 120,000 persons. Charles Maurras, the leader of the royalist Action française, was, for example, sentenced to life imprisonment on 25 January 1945. The third phase was more lenient towards collaborators; the trials of Philippe Pétain and the writer, Louis-Ferdinand Céline, are examples of actions taken during this phase.
Between 1944 and 1951, official courts in France sentenced 6,763 people to death (3,910 in absentia) for treason and other offenses, but only 791 executions were actually carried out. More common was “national degradation,” a loss of face and civil rights, which was meted out to 49,723 people.
Philippe Pétain, the former head of Vichy France, was charged with treason in July 1945. He was convicted and sentenced to death by firing squad, but Charles de Gaulle commuted the sentence to life imprisonment. Most convicts were amnestied a few years later. In the police, collaborators soon resumed official responsibilities. This continuity of the administration was pointed out, in particular concerning the events of the Paris massacre of 1961, executed under the orders of the head of the Parisian police, Maurice Papon, who was judged in the 1990s for his role The Vichy collaborationist government.
The French members of the Waffen-SS Charlemagne Division who survived the war were regarded as traitors. Some of the more prominent officers were executed, while the rank-and-file were given prison terms; some of them were given the option of doing time in Indochina (1946–54) with the Foreign Legion instead of prison.
Many war criminals were judged only in the 1980s: Paul Touvier, Klaus Barbie (who after war worked for The CIA and Papon above mentioned ], head of French police during the war, and his deputy Jean Leguay (the last two were both convicted for their roles in the July 1942 Rafle du Vel’ d’Hiv, or Vel’ d’Hiv Roundup). Famous Nazi hunters Serge and Beate Klarsfeld spent decades trying to bring them to justice.. A fair number of collaborationists joined l’armée secrète|OAS]] terrorist movement during the Algerian War (1954–62). Jacques de Bernonville escaped to Quebec, then Brazil. Jacques Ploncard d’Assac became counselor of Salazar in Portugal.
Extrajudicial summary executions were harshly criticizeded after the war, with circles close to Pétainism advancing the figures of 100,000, and denouncing the “Red Terror”, “anarchy” or “blind vengeance.” In 1960, journalist Robert Aron estimated the number of summary executions of 40,000 surprising deGaulle,real number to be around 10,000, which is the figure today admitted by mainstream historians. Approximately 9,000 of these 10,000 refer to summary executions, in the whole of the country, during battle. In absolute numbers, there were fewer legal executions in France than in neighboring, and much smaller, Belgium, and fewer internments than in Norway or Netherlands.
See also: Axis occupation of Greece during World War II
Greece was under the control of the Third Reich from 1941 to 1944. After the liberation, the country followed a controversial period of “de-Nazification”. Many collaborators and especially former leaders of the Nazi-held puppet regime in Athens were sentenced to death. General Georgios Tsolakoglou, the first collaborationist prime minister, was tried by the Greek Special Collaborators Court in 1945 and sentenced to death, but his penalty, like most death sentences, was commuted to life imprisonment. The second collaborationist leader, Konstantinos Logothetopoulos, who had fled to Germany after the Wehrmacht’s withdrawal, was caught by the U.S. military and was condemned to life imprisonment. In 1951, he was given parole and thus died outside prison. Ioannis Rallis, the third collaborationist prime minister, was tried on a treason charge; the court sentenced him to life imprisonment. However, several lower and middle figures that had collaborated with the Germans, especially members of the Security Battalions and the gendarmerie, were soon released and reinstated in their posts; in the developing Greek Civil War, their anti-Communist credentials were more important than their collaboration. Indeed, in many cases the same people who had collaborated with the Germans and staffed the post-war security establishment persecuted leftist former Resistance members.
Israel enacted the Nazis and Nazi Collaborators Punishment Law on 1 August 1950. Between 1950 and 1961, this law was used to prosecute 29 Jewish Holocaust survivors alleged to have been Nazi collaborators.
On February 23, 1965, Latvian aviator and Nazi collaborator Herberts Cukurs was assassinated by the Mossad, the Israeli foreign intelligence service, after being lured to Uruguay under the pretense of starting an aviation business.
Main article: Legal purge in Norway after World War II
Vidkun Quisling, the war time Norwegian “Minister President”, and, among others, Nasjonal Samling leaders Albert Viljam Hagelin and Ragnar Skancke, were convicted and executed by firing squad. A total of 45 people were sentenced to death and 37 were executed (25 Norwegians and 12 Germans). Both at the time and later these sentences were the subject of some debate, since the decision to reintroduce capital punishment to the Norwegian legal system for the post war trials was based on clauses in military law. Capital punishment in the Criminal Code had been abolished in 1904. The decision was made by the exiled Norwegian government in London in 1944, later to be debated three times in the Parliament during the trials, and to be confirmed by the Supreme Court.
In occupied Poland the status of Volksdeutsche had many privileges but one big disadvantage: Volksdeutsche were conscripted into the German army. The Volksliste had 4 categories. No. 1 and No. 2 were considered ethnic Germans, while No. 3 and No. 4 were ethnic Poles that signed the Volksliste. No. 1 and No. 2 in the Polish areas re-annexed by Germany numbered ~1,000,000 and No. 3 and No. 4 ~1,700,000. In the General Government there were ~120,000 Volksdeutsche.
Volksdeutsche of Polish origins were treated by Poles with special contempt, and also it constituted high treason according to Polish law. German citizens that remained on territory of Poland became as a group personae non gratae. They had a choice of applying for Polish citizenship or being expelled to Germany. The property that belonged to Germans, German companies and German state, was confiscated by the Polish state along with many other properties in communist Poland.
German owners, as explicitly stated by the law, were not eligible for any compensation. Those who decided to apply became subject to a verification process. At the beginning many acts of violence against Volksdeutsche took place. However, soon the verification of Volksdeutsche became controlled by the juridical process and was completed in a more controlled manner.
Russian and other Soviet members of the Russian Liberation Army and the Committee for the Liberation of the Peoples of Russia were pursued, tried, and either sent to Gulag prison camps or executed.
Many Soviet Prisoners of War were seen to have collaborated with the Nazis, even if they had done no more than been captured by the Wehrmacht, and spent the war in a camp. Many such unfortunate Soviet citizens were persecuted on their repatriation to the Soviet Union. In general, after a short trial, if they were not executed, Nazi collaborators were imprisoned in Gulag forced labor camps.
The Volga German Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic was abolished and Volga Germans were banished from their settlements on the Volga River with many being deported to Siberia or Kazakhstan.
In the Baltic Republics, the Estonian SSR, the Latvian SSR and the Lithuanian SSR, most collaborators had escaped with the retreating German army, or they had taken an overseas route to Sweden. In the Estonian war crimes trials of 1961 and 1962, several collaborators were sentenced for participation in the Estonian holocaust. Many of the accused escaped punishment by escaping into exile or by suicide. The infamous Karl Linnas was finally deported by the United States and died in Leningrad while awaiting retrial.
At the end of the war a number of people were tried for high treason. These included members of the Waffen-SS British Free Corps and William Joyce (Lord Haw-Haw). As agreed at the Yalta Conference, the British handed back many Soviet citizens to the Soviet regime. Some of these were collaborators who had fought in the Russian Liberation Army. In later years there would be a controversy because some of those handed over were White Russians who had never been Soviet citizens. Yugoslavs were handed over to Josip Broz Tito’s forces, and many were subsequently killed.
In 1948 Victor Arajs, who was the leader of the eponymous commando unit which helped the Nazis murder the Jews of Latvia and Belarus, had been captured in the British zone of occupied Germany after the war but was allowed to go free. He remained at large until 1979 when West Germany put him on trial. One of Arajs’s deputies, Harijs Svikeris, settled in Britain after the war and in the 1990s was thought to be a strong candidate to be prosecuted under the War Crimes Act, but he died before being prosecuted
In 1961 Ain-Ervin Mere was put on trial for leadership in the murder of 5000 foreign Jews in Estonia, but his extradition was denied by British authorities. On April 1, 1999, Anthony Sawoniuk was sentenced to life imprisonment after being found guilty of murdering two Jews in the UK’s first full Nazi war crimes trial. Sawoniuk had led “search-and-kill” police squads to hunt down Jews trying to escape after nearly 3,000 were massacred at Domachevo in Nazi-occupied Belarus during September, 1942. He died in prison on November 7, 2005 at the age of 84.
The reprisals for collaboration with the Nazis were particularly harsh in Yugoslavia, because collaborators were also on the losing side of a de facto civil war fought on the Yugoslav territory during World War II. The Partisans executed many Ustashe, as well as their collaborators. One of the best documented incidents was the Bleiburg massacre. After the war, the UDBA, Yugoslavia’s secret police, was sent overseas to find and eliminate several former Ustashe who fled the country, including the leader of the Ustashe and their pro-Nazi government, Ante Pavelić.
List of SS personnel
Expulsion of Germans after World War II
References and notes
^ Extradiciones (Spanish)
^ La Odessa que creó Perón, Pagina/12, 15 December 2002 (Spanish)
^ Mark Falcoff, Perón’s Nazi Ties, Time, November 9, 1998, vol 152, n°19 (English)
^ a b Jean-Marie Tremblay. Henri de Man, 1885-1953, Professeur à l’Université libre de Bruxelles, Député et ministre dans le parlement belge (French), University of Quebec, 9 October 2006 (Google translation)
^ Judt, Tony, Postwar: A History of Europe Since 1945, Pimlico (London: 2007), p. 46.
^ Orna Ben-Naftali and Yogev Tuval, Punishing International Crimes Committed by the Persecuted, Journal of International Criminal Justice (Volume 4, 2006)
^ “Nazi war criminal dies in Britain”. BBC News. 7 November 2005. Retrieved 2010-11-05.
BBC: UK Life for war criminal Anthony Sawoniuk
Retrieved from “http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Pursuit_of_Nazi_collaborators&oldid=460665368″
Categories: Aftermath of World War IICollaborators with Nazi GermanyPolitical and cultural purgesPolitics of World War II
This page was last modified on 14 November 2011 at 20:27.
Wikipedia® is a registered trademark of the Wikimedia Foundation, Inc., a non-profit organization.
Daniel Estulin se ha ganado la fama mundial del periodismo de investigación gracias a destacados trabajos como su anterior bestseler La verdadera historia del club Bilderberg, considerado por muchos como uno de los libros más polémicos de la última década. Editorial Planeta presenta ahora su nuevo trabajo, Los señores de las sombras, en el que Estulin quiere poner al descubierto los vínculos entre gobiernos, servicios de inteligencia, terroristas, traficantes de droga, oenegés y grandes empresas petroleras. El telón de fondo: el control de los recursos naturales, cada vez más limitados.
Daniel Estulin en una magen promocional / Editorial Planeta
África, Darfur, Qaeda, Sudán, Israel, Chelsea, Francia, Londres, Planeta, Al Qaeda, Gobiernos, Terrorismo, Rockefeller, New York Times, Washington Post, Bush, Coca
-No sé como va usted de amigos, pero me aventuro a decir que de enemigos debe de tener muchos. ¿Me equivoco?
-No, no te equivocas, tengo muchos más enemigos que amigos (ríe).
-¿Cómo se puede vivir así?
-Bueno, quitarme del medio o matarme es muy sencillo. Tengo gente de seguridad que me protege y ya se entiende que si me pasa algo a mí, el día siguiente habrá mucha gente que empezará a pasarlo mal.
-Gobiernos, servicios de inteligencia, traficantes de drogas, empresas petroleras, incluso algunas oenegés están en su punto de mira en este nuevo libro. Más arriba no se puede apuntar, ¿o sí?
-A mí me interesa el submundo del submundo.
-Hace como tres o cuatro años, y pensando en este libro, empecé a darme cuenta de que en el continente africano se estaban dando un conjunto de coincidencias que tenían un denominador común. Y eso no podía escapar de la lógica de los humanos.
-Terrorismo, drogas, diamantes, traficantes, guerras, todo está vinculado. El patrón de todo esto se explica con el telón de fondo de la crisis energética. Este telón te explica absolutamente todo, desde Litvinenko hasta el once de marzo, el once de septiembre y todas las demás cosas que van pasando. Ni gobiernos, ni Bush, ni oenegés, ésta gente no manda nada.
-Esto se pone interesante. ¿Quiénes son los señores que están en la sombra, según su teoría?
-El hombre detrás de la cortina. Por encima de ellos hay otro nivel hasta que encuentras un grupo de gente que son los que toman las verdades decisiones.
-No me vale. ¿Quién toma las decisiones?
-Son elementos que al ojo humano no existen.
-Eso me queda claro, pero si usted los denuncia es porque no han logrado escapar de su mirada…
-El que manda es el dinero. Hay gente que tiene auténticas fortunas, hablamos de oligarquía de poder, que quiere mantener lo que tiene y hacerse con el control de lo que no tiene a coste nuestro. Te lo razono más. Nos quedan pocos años de petróleo, y el dinero sin el petróleo no funciona. Sin energía no puedes hacer nada. La elite quiere hacerse con el control de los últimos pozos petrolíferos que necesitan para seguir su crecimiento. Las empresas quieren el crecimiento sin límite pero están chocando con el techo de energía finita. La elite, el hombre detrás de la cortina, quiere salvarse a sí mismo, eso sí, a costa nuestra.
-¿La crisis energética es, ahora mismo, el principal tema de discusión de la política internacional?
-En todo. En África hay, a día de hoy, 32 guerras abiertas. Todas son guerras energéticas. Haz un ejercicio: superpón en un mapa del mundo la ubicación del petróleo con los países que están en guerra. Todo encaja.
-Usted hace en el libro especial hincapié en Darfur, ¿por qué?
-Sudán es el epicentro de la crisis mundial entre varios países. Hace pocos meses estuve en Darfur con un pequeño ejército de legionarios que me protegían. Todos los gobiernos occidentales están ahí, pero también están los servicios de espionaje, las grandes multinacionales como Coca-Cola, y también oenegés. ¿Por qué? Darfur es el último lugar en el mundo donde todavía hay petróleo por explotar y donde todavía tienes terreno-y en África en general-para plantar comida.
-Me pinta un panorama peor que el que veía cuando jugaba al Risk. ¿Es exagerado hablar de una posible guerra mundial?
-Sólo sé que todos quieren quitarle poder al de su lado, y el otro no es ningún talibán. Estados Unidos lucha contra Francia en Darfur, rusos contra chinos, israelitas contra americanos…Las alianzas estratégicas no existen, todos están luchando contra el otro.
-¿Y las oenegés cómo cuadran en este conflicto?
-De las 35 oenegés que están en África, 35 pertenecen al mundo blanco occidental. Todas están financiadas por las mismas empresas que quieren hacerse con los recursos naturales. Fundación Rockefeller, Carmedy, Fundación Ford, Oxam… La gente base que está trabajando allí es maravillosa, pero ellos no mandan.
-Lleva diez años investigando como se financia el terrorismo internacional. Descúbranos alguna de las claves…
-En el libro hablo de cómo los judíos trabajan codo a codo con terroristas como Al Qaeda, traficando diamantes a través de África. Son socios de necesidad. Al Qaeda utiliza diamantes para esconder dinero, luego para vender y pagar sus atentados lo hacen a través de las mafias rusas que, a su vez, lo venden a los judíos en Londres, concretamente en Chelsea, que es donde está el centro.
-Yo pensaba que los talibanes y los judíos no se llevaban precisamente bien…
-Es mentira. Los talibanes son una de las doce tribus de Israel, tienen las mismas costumbres, los mismos nombres…
-¿Le ha afectado personalmente todo lo que ha visto y ha vivido durante estos últimos años?
-Sí, claro. Porque tú ves ahí una maldad que no tiene límite. Piensa que para que tú y yo podamos estar ahora aquí, unos negros tienen que morir en África. Es la única forma, porque no hay para todos, y África es la última frontera.
-¿Por qué los medios de comunicación no hablan de todos estos temas que usted me expone?
-Ten en cuenta que el principal negocio de los medios de comunicación no es contar la verdad, sino esconderla. Ellos forman parte de toda esta movida. Piensa que la droga es el lubricante de la economía mundial, si eliminas la droga, se desploma la economía mundial. ¿Cómo puede hablar el New York Times o el Washington Post de esto, cuando se les pueden desplomar sus propias acciones?
-¿Usted sigue la prensa, mira la televisión?
-Yo no tengo televisión. Tampoco hipoteca, vivo en una casa de alquiler porque no me gusta deber un duro a nadie. En mi casa sólo hay energía solar y tenemos un pequeño huerto que nos hace autosuficientes en todo.
-Una forma de vida, supongo…
-Soy antisistema por naturaleza.
Fuente: La Vanguardia
Matías Rodríguez Inciarte (Santander), Bernardino León y Juan Luis Cebrián (Prisa), en Ottawa, en 2006.DANIEL ESTULÍN
El grupo, formado por un centenar de los más influyentes políticos, banqueros y periodistas, analizará la agenda internacional en Sitges (Barcelona) entre el próximo 3 y 6 de junio
MAGDA BANDERA BARCELONA 25/04/2010 17:00 Actualizado: 25/04/2010 17:09
65 Comentarios 12345Media: 4.64Votos: 111
Vista de impresión
Matías Rodríguez Inciarte (Santander), Bernardino León y Juan Luis Cebrián (Prisa), en Ottawa, en 2006.DANIEL ESTULÍN
Silencio sobre la futura reunión en Sitges
“Los socios desprecian a Aznar”
Barack Obama acudió a la reunión del Club Bilderberg en junio de 2008, en Virginia (EEUU). Cinco meses después, fue elegido presidente estadounidense. Un ascenso igual de fulgurante tuvo en 1991 el poco conocido gobernador de Arkansas, Bill Clinton, tras ser invitado en 1991 por este grupo, que congrega cada primavera a un centenar de los más influyentes políticos, banqueros y periodistas del mundo, y cuya próxima edición se celebrará en Sitges del 3 al 6 de junio, según fuentes de este municipio.
Los ejemplos de carreras similares abundan en los organismos internacionales. Así, todos los secretarios generales de la OTAN han sido antes bilderbergers, como se conoce a quienes acuden a los encuentros en hoteles de lujo que escoge el club para que sus socios e invitados intercambien impresiones al más alto nivel. “En las últimas ediciones, ha destacado el español Bernardino León”, subraya Daniel Estulín, experto en el grupo y autor de La historia definitiva de el Club Bilderberg.
Se reúnen, según The Times, para planear hechos que luego han sucedido
El secretario general de la Presidencia del Gobierno “ha sido invitado a cuatro ediciones seguidas desde 2006. Es inaudito que el comité ejecutivo de Bilderberg convoque tantas veces a alguien que no forma parte de él, pero David Rockefeller adora a León y le gustaría que fuese presidente de España”, asegura Estulín.
El banquero es, junto al político estadounidense Henry Kissinger, uno de los pilares del Club Bilderberg, fundado en 1954 por el príncipe Bernardo de Holanda, conocido por su ideología nazi. Sin embargo, el grupo incluye invitados de todas las tendencias; entre ellos, Paul Wolfowitz, George Soros o los presidentes de Coca-Cola, Fiat y France Telecom. La representación española coprre a cargo de la reina Sofía, Matías Rodríguez Inciarte, Juan Luis Cebrián, Joaquín Almunia, Esperanza Aguirre y Pedro Solbes.
Bernardino Léon no ha contestado a ninguna de las preguntas planteadas por este diario. Imposible confirmar si participará en la próxima reunión del club, aunque todo apunta a que lo hará junto al presidente del Gobierno, José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero. El club suele invitar al gobernante del país anfitrión.
El rechazo a hablar sobre lo que ocurre esos días es general entre los participantes. En su invitación, la organización exige que nadie “conceda entrevistas” ni revele nada de lo que “un participante individual haya dicho durante el meeting”. Pese al secretismo, dos bilderbergers han accedido a hablar con Público. Guillermo de la Dehesa, ex secretario de Estado de Economía y presidente del Centre for Economic Policy Research, aclara que, tras participar en varias ediciones, dejó de hacerlo a mediados de los años noventa porque “ahora tienen menos sentido y son menos atractivos”. Aun así, admite que las sobremesas con gente tan influyente “enriquecen mucho”. Según De la Dehesa, los asistentes tratan “temas que preocupan, pero no se adopta ninguna decisión importante. Hay una agenda y reuniones informales en las que se intercambian ideas. Los ponentes sólo pueden hablar durante diez minutos. Después, interviene el resto de la gente durante dos minutos”.
“Rockefeller adora a Bernardino León; ha ido cuatro veces”, dice un experto
Los participantes se sientan siguiendo un estricto orden alfabético que los sitúa al mismo nivel. Desde hace algunos años, la organización facilita el listado definitivo de asistentes junto a una escueta nota de prensa en la que nunca se incluyen conclusiones. La selección de invitados corre a cargo del comité ejecutivo. “También existe un comité en cada país” que busca a las personas idóneas para cada encuentro, confirma De la Dehesa, aunque evita citar cualquier nombre.
El ex secretario de Estado explica que la primera vez fue convocado por un amigo y “luego ya por el Comité”. Un procedimiento en el que no ve nada extraño: “No entiendo algunas cosas alucinantes que se dicen sobre el club, como que está formado por masones”. La falta de transparencia fomenta toda clase de especulaciones entre quienes acusan al club de tomar decisiones que afectan a la política y a la economía mundiales.
“Un club exclusivo con influencia”
La periodista de The Times Caroline Moorehead definía el grupo en 1977 como “un club exclusivo, quizá sin poder, pero, sin duda, con influencia”. Fue más allá al afirmar “que se reúnen secretamente para planificar acontecimientos que más tarde simplemente aparecen como que han sucedido”. Entre estos, algunos expertos sitúan la invasión de Irak en 2003, las recientes subidas y bajadas del precio del petróleo, la creación del euro y el modelo de la Transición de España.
Muchas de estas afirmaciones son “especulaciones descabelladas” para el bilderberger Mauricio Rojas, director de la Escuela de Profesionales de Inmigración y Cooperación, que contestó a Público por e-mail. Pese a todo, entiende que es “un precio a pagar por mantener ese ambiente único de diálogo y reflexión”. Los “cafés y paseos relajados con personas de alto interés” son la parte más valorada por este intelectual sueco de origen chileno, que participó en 1991 y que recuerda que casi todos los temas “eran de actualidad candente, como los conflictos en los Balcanes”.
El club suele invitar a personalidades de todas las tendencias. Incluso perdona que al principio sean poco locuaces. Basta recordar a Margaret Thatcher, quien, según The Times, fue una “tímida participante” en la edición de 1975. Cuatro años después, se convirtió en la Dama de Hierro.